Unsung Heroes of the Battlefields

By Laurent Vieira de Mello, president of the Sergio Vieira de Mello Foundation.
The Washington Post
Wednesday, August 19, 2009

Six years ago today, my father, Sergio Vieira de Mello, was killed in a tragic attack in Baghdad that changed the face of the humanitarian world. A truck filled with bombs exploded in the United Nations compound, killing 22 humanitarian workers and wounding many more. Some who were not physically hurt were psychologically wounded. Even years later, many remain vulnerable.

My father headed the U.N. team in Baghdad. A few days before he was killed, he wrote: "The situation is indeed difficult. But we will succeed, because we will do it with the Iraqi people."

His dedication to serving people in need is shared by thousands of humanitarian workers around the world who sacrifice their time, their energy and, too often, their lives to help those in need in places where wars kill and maim and throw innocent victims into refugee camps or exile. Darfur, Chad, the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Uganda are just a few of these areas.

In recognition of their commitment, my family sought to have Aug. 19 -- the date my father and his fellow workers died while helping destitute people -- designated as World Humanitarian Day. After discussions with our foundation, Brazil, France, Japan, Sweden and Switzerland sponsored a U.N. resolution that was adopted by the General Assembly on Dec. 11, 2008. So for the first time, today is officially an occasion to reflect on the situation for humanitarians deployed in the field.

Sadly, already poor conditions for humanitarian workers in many places are deteriorating. Since 2006, attacks on aid workers have increased sharply, the Overseas Development Institute reports. The Darfur region in Sudan, Afghanistan and Somalia are the most dangerous places, accounting for more than 60 percent of violence against aid workers.

Last year was the worst in 12 years, with 260 humanitarian aid workers killed, kidnapped or seriously injured in violent attacks, according to the institute. This toll exceeds the number of victims among U.N. peacekeeping troops.

The Baghdad bomb attack that killed my father dramatically underscored a fact that humanitarian workers had dealt with since the early 1990s: The U.N. flag had ceased to be bulletproof. It no longer protected U.N. humanitarian workers as well as the staffs of nongovernmental organizations.

Before the 1990s, most wars in the developed world were proxy wars. There was a kind of tacit gentleman's agreement whereby superpowers respected as much as possible the rights and the work of humanitarian personnel.

Now, this did not prevent the deaths of many humanitarians. But most casualties were those who happened to be at the wrong place at the wrong time, caught in the crossfire. Rarely were aid workers targeted.

The situation, though, has changed dramatically. With the rise of nationalism since the fall of communism and the end of the proxy wars, humanitarian workers no longer benefit from protection, flimsy as it may have been before. Victims nowadays are often targeted.

We're talking about the people who are serving on the front line for those of us who weep when we see children on TV crying beside mothers who have been killed by mortar fire -- and believe that something must be done to help these victims and others like them.

Humanitarian workers are the unsung heroes of our time. They are not recognized as such. Yet consider their efforts, seeking to persuade warlords to let them help innocent civilians who are facing heat, cold, disease and other threats.

They never have the money and staff to fully respond to demands. They get up every morning knowing the enormousness of the task ahead of them, carrying on despite the gnawing feeling that whatever they attempt will always be a drop in the ocean. They can help, their efforts can and do save lives, but these workers are aware that their actions amount to little more than a Band-Aid on some of the world's worst problems.

The reality of their tasks would make any of us despair. Not them.

As a humanitarian worker once told me: "We have no right to despair when we see that people who have lost everything, even their family, still have hope."

It is high time for the international community to face its responsibilities and stop hiding behind humanitarian action. The world must stop using humanitarian efforts as a fig leaf. It can no longer avoid action while putting its conscience at rest by sending humanitarian actors into the killing fields. There are lives at risk.

And on this day, because of their courage, dedication, generosity and humility, humanitarian workers deserve our respect. We should not only praise their work but also remind the world that we must protect them, that we must impress on warlords that if they have any humanity left, they should protect and assist these workers. We must remind the world that humanitarian workers are neutral and help those in need, whatever their color, race, religion or political beliefs. They deserve our efforts and our thanks.

Link,http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2009/08/18/AR2009081802908.html?nav=rss_opinion/columns&sid=ST2009081802974, consultado a 26 de Agosto de 2009

First Memorial Lecture of the Sergio Vieira de Mello Foundation

The first Annual Memorial Lecture of the Sergio Vieira de Mello Foundation given by Mr. Kofi Annan, took place yesterday, Monday March 17, 2008, at the International Conference Centre Geneva (CICG) in Geneva, Switzerland, in the presence of about 1'000 persons.
Fonte,http://graduateinstitute.ch/corporate/cache/bypass/page21.html?evenementId=11209, consultado a 18 de Março de 2008.

Former UN United Nations Secretary General Kofi Annan delivers his message during the first Memorial Lecture of the Sergio Vieira de Mello Foundation at the International Conference Centre Geneva (CICG) in Geneva, Switzerland, Monday, March 17, 2008. Sergio Vieira de Mello was killed in the Canal Hotel Bombing in Iraq along with 21 other members of his staff on Aug 19, 2003.

Annie Vieira de Mello, widow of Sergio Vieira de Mello, listens to Former UN United Nations Secretary General Kofi Annan, not in the picture, during the first Memorial Lecture of the Sergio Vieira de Mello Foundation, at the International Conference Centre Geneva (CICG) in Geneva, Switzerland, Monday, March 17, 2008. (AP Photo/Keystone/Salvatore Di Nolfi).
Fonte,http://news.yahoo.com/nphotos/Iraq-Sergio-Vieira-de-Mello-United-Nations-Secretary-General-Geneva2C-Switzerland-Vieira-de-Mello/ss/events/iraq/082701iraqplane/im:/080317/481/ed1ae9511cc940c08970fb9bab564de4/ ,consultado a 18 de Março de 2008.

Former UN United Nations Secretary General Kofi Annan delivers his message during the first Memorial Lecture of the Sergio Vieira de Mello Foundation at the International Conference Centre Geneva (CICG) in Geneva, Switzerland, Monday, March 17, 2008. (AP Photo/Salvatore Di Nolfi / AP).
Fonte,http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/23678062/displaymode/1176/, consultado a 17 de Março de 2008.

IRAQ 2007 | Resolution 1770 covers UN work on national reconciliation, regional dialogue, relief aid and human rights

New York, 10 August 2007
UN News Centre

Statement by the Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon on extension of the mandate of the United Nations Assistance Mission in Iraq

I welcome the decision of the Security Council today to renew and strengthen the mandate of the United Nations Assistance Mission in Iraq through the unanimous adoption of Resolution 1770/2007.
The United Nations is deeply committed to helping the people of Iraq, and I am pleased to have the opportunity to now enhance, where possible, our contributions in crucial areas such as national reconciliation, regional dialogue, humanitarian assistance and human rights.
A peaceful and prosperous future is for Iraqis themselves to create, with the international community lending support to their efforts.
The United Nations looks forward to working in close partnership with the leaders and people of Iraq to explore how we can further our assistance under the terms of this resolution.
I take this opportunity to express my profound appreciation and respect to the people and government of Iraq for their courageous efforts to make their country more stable, democratic and prosperous.
As we remember our colleagues who died in Baghdad four years ago, I also take this opportunity to pay tribute to the brave men and women who continue to serve the United Nations in Iraq. As we move forward, their safety and security will remain a paramount concern.
Link,http://www.un.org/apps/sg/sgstats.asp?nid=2700 , consultado a 29 de Agosto de 2007

"Pourquoi je suis allé en Irak". "La France peut et doit contribuer à apporter un regard nouveau sur le pays". Bernard Kouchner

Par Bernard Kouchner, ministre des Affaires étrangères
QUOTIDIEN : lundi 27 août 2007

Que dire de l’Irak d’aujourd’hui dont je reviens ? C’est un Irak «démocratique» - doté d’une Constitution adoptée par référendum et du suffrage universel direct - mais en guerre contre lui-même. C’est un Irak libéré d’une dictature sanglante - qui a tué deux à quatre millions de personnes - où néanmoins le sang n’en finit pas de couler. C’est un Irak paradoxal, cloisonné, comme le sont les esprits et les cœurs : une zone verte ultra-protégée, à Bagdad, une région kurde plus stable et tout le reste en proie au déchaînement de la haine et de la violence, qui a poussé quatre millions de réfugiés et de déplacés sur le chemin de l’exil, et continue à faire près de deux mille morts par mois.
Pourquoi y être allé ? Pour écouter tous les Irakiens - Chiites, Kurdes, Sunnites, chrétiens - sans exclusive. Ecouter pour sentir, comprendre, mais aussi affirmer le soutien total de notre pays à l’objectif de réconciliation nationale, à la nécessité d’un dialogue politique «inclusif». J’ai tenu à rencontrer tous les acteurs et j’ai senti chez eux un profond besoin d’être reconnus, d’avoir un contact renouvelé avec la France et l’Europe. Les Irakiens, isolés depuis trop longtemps, ont le sentiment d’être abandonnés par la communauté internationale. Après des années de glose sur la présence américaine, il est temps de s’occuper des Irakiens.
Ensuite, pour marquer le retour de la France là où se joue une part de notre avenir et de celui de nos enfants. Même si nous avons conservé une ambassade à Bagdad, grâce à des personnels courageux, notre regard politique s’était détourné. Aucun ministre des Affaires étrangères ne s’y était rendu depuis 1988. Or, notre pays jouit de responsabilités particulières comme membre permanent du Conseil de sécurité des Nations unies. Il ne peut ignorer cette crise majeure qui affecte non seulement l’Irak, mais menace également la stabilité de la région et bien au-delà. C’est une crise emblématique de toutes celles qui troublent le monde. On ne peut s’en désintéresser au prétexte que le pays est en proie à une culture de violence où l’assassinat comme fin politique est monnaie courante. On ne peut se détourner des Irakiens parce qu’ils ont été, contre notre gré, libérés puis contraints par les forces alliées des Américains et des Britanniques. L’Irak est au cœur d’enjeux mondiaux : affrontements entre et au sein des communautés, intolérance et fanatisme religieux, conflits de civilisation, influences ambivalentes des pays voisins y compris dans un contexte de prolifération nucléaire, globalisation du terrorisme.
Enfin, je suis allé honorer, dès mon arrivée à Bagdad, le 19 août, quatre ans jour pour jour après l’attentat contre le siège des Nations unies en Irak, la mémoire de mon ami Sergio Vieira de Mello et de 21 de ses collaborateurs, dont plusieurs avaient travaillé avec moi au Kosovo. Au-delà de l’émotion, ce geste se voulait une invite à un renouveau indispensable du rôle de l’ONU en Irak. Que peut faire la France pour aider ce pays meurtri à retrouver l’espoir ? D’abord être modeste. Qui pourrait croire que nous avons une formule magique ? Comme l’indiquait un responsable irakien à qui je demandais quel rôle la France pouvait jouer, «elle peut déjà offrir a fresh look, un nouveau ­regard».
Chacun le sait, la France n’a pas soutenu l’intervention de la Coalition en 2003. De fait, même si celle-ci a permis d’abattre une dictature sanguinaire, la méthode employée pour bâtir un Irak sûr et démocratique n’a pas été la bonne. C’est le moins que l’on puisse dire. Le bilan est terrible. Il faut tourner la page, s’y prendre autrement. Il n’existe pas de solution militaire durable à cette crise, mais seulement une solution politique. Si les Irakiens eux-mêmes, y compris les plus hostiles à la présence américaine, ne souhaitent pas un départ immédiat des troupes étrangères, leur retrait, néanmoins, doit être programmé, en concertation avec les autorités irakiennes. Dans le même temps, un large gouvernement d’union nationale doit voir le jour, pour lequel la France est prête à apporter son concours de médiation. Oui, la France peut contribuer à apporter un regard nouveau. Elle le peut d’autant plus qu’elle n’a pas pris part à l’intervention de 2003, mais qu’elle est restée, depuis, aux côtés du peuple irakien, en zone rouge. Elle le peut d’autant mieux qu’elle est liée à l’Irak par une ancienne amitié et qu’elle y jouit du plus large spectre de contacts avec toutes les communautés. Et que nous sommes les alliés, parfois difficiles, des Américains - comme le sont les vrais amis.
La France, premier pays occidental non-membre de la Coalition à déléguer en Irak son ministre des Affaires étrangères depuis 2003, peut contribuer à construire une nouvelle approche au service de la paix à laquelle les Nations unies et l’Union européenne doivent donner corps. La France appuie les initiatives internationales qui amorcent un traitement politique et international de la crise. L’élargissement du rôle des Nations Unies, décidé par la Résolution 1770, le 10 août, va dans le bon sens. Il faut le rendre effectif. Il faut aussi que les pays voisins sortent de leur ambivalence pour devenir des acteurs crédibles d’une sortie de crise. Rien de solide ne pourra se faire sans eux. Le processus lancé à Charm el-Cheikh en mai est positif, les dispositions concrètes qu’il prévoit doivent être mises en œuvre sans délai, notamment les trois groupes de travail qui touchent à des sujets déterminants - l’énergie, les réfugiés, la sécurité - et déboucher dès que possible sur des mesures concrètes. L’Irak en paix avec lui-même n’est pas un rêve inaccessible. Beaucoup d’efforts, de lucidité, de conviction pourront en faire une réalité. A condition que nous en ayons tous le ­courage. Craignons le pire si nous nous ­dérobons.
Fonte, http://www.liberation.fr/rebonds/274342.FR.php, consultado a 29 de Agosto de 2007.

© Libération

Declarações de Sergio Vieira de Mello Relativamente ao Iraque | 2003

Uma cronologia e as declarações do Representante do Secretário-Geral da ONU , Sergio Vieira de Mello, relativamente ao Iraque 2003.

A Resolução 1483 do Conselho de Segurança sobre o Iraque*, aprovada a 22 de Maio, estabeleceu o seguinte mandato para o Representante Especial do Secretário Geral para o Iraque:
(...)
“8. Pede ao Secretário-Geral que nomeie um Representante Especial para o Iraque que terá a responsabilidade, exercida de forma independente, de apresentar relatórios regulares ao Conselho sobre as actividades que levar a cabo nos termos da presente resolução, de coordenar a acção das Nações Unidas no processo pós-conflito no Iraque, de assegurar a coordenação dos esforços desenvolvidos pelos organismos das Nações Unidas e as organizações internacionais que prestam ajuda humanitária e facilitam as actividades de reconstrução no Iraque e de, em coordenação com a Autoridade, ajudar a população iraquiana:

a) coordenando a ajuda humanitária e a ajuda à reconstrução prestadas pelos organismos das Nações Unidas e as actividades levadas a cabo por estes últimos e as organizações não governamentais;

b) facilitando o repatriamento livremente consentido dos refugiados e deslocados, num quadro de ordem e de segurança;

c) trabalhando activamente com a Autoridade, o povo iraquiano e as outras entidades envolvidas, a fim de restabelecer as instituições nacionais e locais ou de as criar, de modo a permitir a formação de um governo representativo, designadamente colaborando na instauração de um processo que conduza à formação de um governo iraquiano representativo, reconhecido pela comunidade inter-nacional;

d) facilitando a reconstrução das infra-estruturas essenciais, em cooperação com outras organizações internacionais;

e) promovendo o relançamento da economia e a criação de condições favoráveis ao desenvolvimento sustentável, designadamente assegurando a coordenação com as organizações nacionais e regionais, se for caso disso, e com a sociedade civil, os doadores e as instituições financeiras internacionais;

f) incentivando os esforços internacionais para que as funções essenciais da administração civil sejam asseguradas;

g) promovendo os direitos humanos;

h) incentivando os esforços internacionais para tornar novamente operacional a polícia civil iraquiana;

i) incentivando os esforços internacionais para pro-mover uma reforma jurídica e judicial;

9. Apoia a formação, pelo povo iraquiano, com a ajuda da Autoridade e em colaboração com o Representante Especial, de uma administração interina iraquiana, dirigida pelos Iraquianos, que servirá de administração transitória até que um governo representativo, reconhecido pela comunidade internacional, seja estabelecido pelo povo iraquiano e assuma as responsabilidades da Autoridade; (...).

A 27 de Maio, em Nova Iorque, o Secretário-Geral Kofi Annan nomeou o actual Alto Comissário das Nações Unidas para os Direitos Humanos, Sergio Vieira de Mello, seu Representante Especial para o Iraque, por um período de quatro meses.

Em conferência de imprensa no Palais des Nations, em Genebra, a 30 de Maio, Sergio Vieira de Mello fez, entre outras, as seguintes declarações:

“A minha prioridade número um será, tal como noutras operações deste género, ouvir os Iraquianos. Fala-se muito de autoridade, fala-se muito dos americanos, dos britânicos, das outras forças da coligação, fala-se muito do papel das Nações Unidas, daquilo que não desempenharam ou do que deveriam desempenhar no futuro, mas não se fala tanto quanto seria necessário dos Iraquianos. O Iraque é um país que tem uma longa história. Há 6000, 5000, 4000 anos,O Iraque era a raiz principal da nossa cultura, da nossa civilização. Trata-se, portanto, de um povo que pode orgulhar-se da sua história, que viveu um período negro, durante estas duas últimas décadas e meia, como aconteceu com muitos outros países, como o meu, em particular. Mas tenho a certeza de que os Iraquianos saberão ultrapassar este traumatismo e é, portanto, neles, que devemos apoiar-nos, e são eles que precisamos de ajudar a criar aquilo a que a resolução do Conselho de Segurança chama uma administração transitória iraquiana para a qual será necessário, muito rapidamente, transferir poderes reais, tangíveis. Empenhar-me-ei nisso, apoiando a autoridade, as forças da coligação, na consecução desse objectivo, dado que me foi confirmado, tanto em Londres como em Washington, que é política da coligação colocar os Iraquianos no centro do palco, com a maior brevidade possível”.
“Farei o meu melhor, evidentemente, para demonstrar, apesar da curta duração desta missão, que os direitos humanos devem estar na base de qualquer solução para o conflito iraquiano, na base da criação de novas instituições verdadeiramente democráticas no Iraque, na base das políticas que serão prosseguidas por esta administração transitória “A resolução fala em rever as presentes disposições dentro de doze meses e, por isso, presumo que, quando regressar ao meu posto em Genebra, o Secretário-Geral nomeie outro Representante Especial, um sucessor para a minha pessoa. No que se refere à justiça, já respondi repetidamente a esta pergunta. Quanto à justiça, são os Iraquianos que têm de decidir. A justiça foi uma questão deixada nas mãos dos Timorenses, a justiça foi uma questão deixada nas mãos dos habitantes da Serra Leoa, a justiça foi uma questão deixada nas mãos dos Sul-africanos, a justiça foi uma questão deixada nas mãos dos Chilenos, cada situação é diferente. Serão os Iraquianos que terão de determinar como irão lidar com a responsabilização pelas sérias e flagrantes violações sistemáticas dos direitos humanos que ocorreram durante o regime de Saddam Hussein. Obviamente, como sabem, e o Estatuto de Roma do Tribunal Penal Internacional afirma-o claramente, deverá ser sempre dada preferência a tribunais nacionais. Evidentemente, se o Iraquianos recorrerem às Nações Unidas ou a qualquer outra instituição e pedirem ajuda para a criação de um tribunal nacional desse tipo, as Nações Unidas em particular e o meu gabinete terão o maior prazer em ajudar, porque isso também faz parte da reconciliação e da criação de um novo Iraque que possa viver em paz consigo mesmo e com o seu passado”

Na sua primeira conferência de imprensa em Bagdade, a 24 de Junho, Sérgio Vieira de Mello fez, entre outras, as seguintes declarações:

“Encontramo-nos verdadeiramente numa situação sem paralelo. O Conselho de Segurança atribuiu ao Secretário-Geral, que represento, um mandato num país que por acaso é um Membro fundador da Organização. Mas este Membro está actualmente sob ocupação de dois outros Membros das Nações Unidas, também eles Membros fundadores da Organização e que por acaso são membros permanentes do Conselho de Segurança que atribuiu o mandato ao Secretário-Geral. E não temos um homólogo sob a forma de um Governo nacional. Assim, concordarão em que, segundo os padrões habituais da ONU, esta situação é, na melhor das hipóteses, bizarra.”
“Como se podem ter apercebido, nas últimas três semanas mantive-me muito calado. Isso deveu-se a estar a ouvir, viajar e aprender. Para mim, o primeiro passo, pelo menos, era óbvio: falar com o maior número possível de Iraquianos, a fim de descobrir o que querem e como pensam que podemos ser úteis e ajudá-los a realizar essas aspirações. Trata-se, afinal, do seu país e devem ser eles a governá-lo. E será essencial para o êxito da comunidade internacional no Iraque que os Iraquianos se apropriem de todas as decisões que sejam tomadas e os afectem. Isto é e continuará a ser axiomático para a ONU no Iraque, enquanto aqui estivermos. Deixem-me dizer-vos o que aprendi.

• Aprendi que o Iraque é uma nação rica pelo seu povo, a sua história e os seus recursos;

• Aprendi que quanto mais depressa os Iraquianos tomarem o seu destino nas suas mãos, melhor, e quanto mais depressa controlarem os seus recursos naturais, melhor;

• Aprendi que o Iraque também é rico pela sua diversidade, que é uma fonte de força e de unidade, não de divisão, desde que se permita que os Iraquianos decidam sozinhos, livremente, a futura arquitectura do seu país;

• Aprendi que o Iraque não é Bagdade, mas sim também Baçorá e Erbil, que visitei na semana passada, e Najaf, Hillah e Kerbala, que visitarei no sábado, e todas as outras províncias que formam esta nação;

• Aprendi que os Iraquianos querem viver em paz com eles próprios e com os seus vizinhos;

• Aprendi que não devemos impor nada a esta nação, devendo antes prestar ajuda quando formos necessários, quando formos convidados pelos Iraquianos a prestar ajuda, para reconstruir o país democrático e pluralista por que os Iraquianos anseiam profundamente e que tanto merecem;

• E aprendi que os Iraquianos desejam que a ONU, como parceiro independente, tenha um papel importante no que se refere a ajudá-los a superar os traumas das últimas décadas e, em particular, desta guerra.”

“Não houve conflitos nem precisa de haver qualquer conflito entre nós e a coligação, na medida em que temos o mesmo objectivo, que é servir o povo iraquiano. Isso é o ponto principal e deveria ser axiomático para todos os estrangeiros que aqui se encontram e, certamente, para as Nações Unidas. Em segundo lugar, consultamo-los, como já disse, praticamente todos os dias, mas – o que talvez seja mais importante – temos consultado os representantes iraquianos. Já tive encontros com praticamente todos eles.”
“(As Forças da Coligação) tratam-nos como um parceiro, compete-vos julgar se em pé de igualdade ou não, mas tratam-nos seguramente como um parceiro e, repito, tenho ouvido atentamente o que têm a dizer. Analisámos as coisas minuciosamente, tanto a questão do Conselho Político, as suas funções e poderes, como a questão da designação dos Ministros interinos, a importância da criação de estruturas para que a comunidade internacional no seu conjunto, nomeadamente o Banco Mundial e o Fundo Monetário Internacional (FMI), se possam relacionar com elas. As Forças da Coligação também ouviram atentamente as nossas opiniões, baseadas naquilo que os Iraquianos nos disseram: a questão do Processo Constitucional, a necessidade de organizar eleições no Iraque, como organizar as eleições, a questão do censo, a questão do sistema eleitoral, da lei eleitoral, da lei dos partidos políticos e da lei da conduta dos partidos políticos, são todas questões em que a ONU tem experiência e nas quais, diria, tem obtido bons resultados, nos últimos anos. E, com base da opinião dos Iraquianos, estas são questões em relação às quais eles, Iraquianos, gostariam que a ONU tivesse um papel muito activo, objectivo e de apoio, nunca em substituição deles.”
“Como sabem, há dois tipos de queixas (por parte dos Iraquianos). Uma delas tem que ver com segurança, desemprego, serviços públicos, serviços essenciais ou falta deles e dos quais, como pode calcular, a Coligação tem consciência, ao administrar um país que foi abalado por um conflito. Eu próprio recebi queixas semelhantes e sei como é difícil reparar essa situação numa questão de semanas. Contudo, o outro tipo é mais do que uma queixa. É impaciência, a profunda necessidade intensamente sentida pelos Iraquianos, e tento pôr-me no seu lugar, em termos de lhes ser dado aquilo a que julgam que têm direito, que é respeito e a capacidade de gerir os seus próprios assuntos e, obviamente, acham que este processo poderia estar a avançar mais rapidamente.”
“Recuso-me a admitir a hipótese de que isso (o processo não avança rapidamente) não vai acontecer. Tem de acontecer. Não há qualquer alternativa a isso. Nenhum estrangeiro pode governar este país. Só os Iraquianos têm a capacidade e o direito de administrar o Iraque. Por isso, é uma questão de tempo, não de ‘se vai acontecer, mas, obviamente, quanto mais tempo tardar, maior a frustração e a impaciência.”
“Ando a dizer desde que cheguei, desde que desci do avião, na realidade desde que fui nomeado para este cargo, que é aos Iraquianos que cabe estarem satisfeitos ou não com o desempenho da Coligação, da comunidade internacional ou das Nações Unidas, que não é a mim que compete emitir um juízo. A minha opinião é irrelevante; o que nos interessa é o que os Iraquianos pensam acerca de todos nós, incluindo o desempenho da Coligação. Estamos a preparar um relatório minucioso que será apresentado ao Conselho de Segurança, provavelmente até à segunda semana de Julho e que será uma avaliação global da situação no Iraque, do papel das Nações Unidas no Iraque, tanto no presente como no futuro, bem como daquilo a que chamaríamos o desempenho das Forças de Coligação no Iraque. Assim, queiram fazer o favor de esperar até essa altura.”
“Expliquei que temos um papel político do qual podem não ouvir falar muito e talvez possa ser melhor desempenhado dessa maneira. Disse que temos um papel na reabilitação e reconstrução do país. Quer através de ‘programas de emergência” que já apresentámos aos doadores, em Nova Iorque, quer através de actividades de reconstrução a longo prazo, que têm de esperar até Setembro. Ofereci a nossa ajuda em diversas esferas relacionadas com a justiça e a aplicação da lei. Mencionei que nos debruçaremos sobre a questão da responsabilização pelo passado e por violações dos direitos humanos no Iraque. Referi todas as actividades que pretendemos iniciar para reforçar a liberdade e instituições que consolidem o respeito pelos direitos humanos neste país. Assim, verão as Nações Unidas envolvidas numa grande diversidade de actividades que irão além da esfera humanitária. Julgo que fizemos trabalho humanitário, suficiente trabalho humanitário no Iraque. O Iraque tem direito a mais do que esmolas e a estrutura humanitária das Nações Unidas, que, por acaso, chefiei numa das minhas encarnações anteriores, fez um trabalho excelente no Iraque. Mas eles são os primeiros a quererem avançar para algo que conceda aos Iraquianos os seus plenos direitos, em especial o seu direito à dig-nidade e o direito de se governarem.”
“A ONU não tem aqui um papel no domínio de nation-building [criação e/ou consolidação das estruturas do Estado]. Por isso, permitam que os desengane nesse aspecto. As Nações Unidas não estão aqui nessa qualidade. Já fizeram isso noutros lugares, mas é evidente que não é o papel que aqui desempenhamos. São outros quem se ocupam das actividades de nation-building. Julgo que enumerei as principais preocupações das pessoas. São as mesmas de que falam aos senhores. É a segurança. É a estabilidade. É o desemprego. São os serviços essenciais. São estas as principais preocupações do dia-a-dia. Mas para além disso e a um nível mais profundo, mais fundamental, estão impacientes por verem surgir um órgão que seja verdadeiramente iraquiano e que assuma funções executivas interinas para poder gerir os assuntos quotidianos do país. É esta a sua principal e unânime preocupação, a aspiração de todos.”
“Aquilo que senti em todos os Iraquianos que conheci é que vêem na ONU uma fonte de legitimidade dos processos políticos de transição e a longo prazo. A resolução (do Conselho de Segurança) é clara. Estamos todos aqui, incluindo, em especial, a coligação sobre quem recai a responsabilidade primordial, enquanto a administração do país estiver a seu cargo, para criar novas instituições representativas neste país. A ONU desempenhará o seu papel e os Iraquianos entendem que esse papel consistirá em dar a essas instituições legitimidade internacional. Competirá ao Secretário-Geral e ao Conselho de Segurança afirmar em cada fase do roteiro, se essas instituições existem e se são reconhecidas como tal. Já aqui referi que teremos um papel, se os Iraquianos assim desejarem, no que se refere a fazer surgir essas instituições por meio de um processo eleitoral transparente, democrático, livre e justo. Não tenho o roteiro na minha mão. Ontem, ao responder a uma das perguntas de uma colega vossa, no Mar Morto, o Secretário-Geral afirmou que também é necessário um roteiro para o Iraque, e não só para a paz entre Israel e a Palestina. E penso que os Iraquianos acolheriam com agrado um calendário claro, um roteiro para a democratização do país, para a criação dessas instituições e a entrega da plena soberania a esta nação.”
(Fonte: ONU)
* http://www.un.org/Docs/sc/unsc_resolutions03.html (Resolução 1483 (2003) do Conselho de Segurança sobre o Iraque).

TRANSCRIPT OF PRESS CONFERENCE BY SECRETARY-GENERAL KOFI ANNANAND SPECIAL REPRESENTATIVE FOR IRAQ, SERGIO VIEIRA DE MELLO, 27 MAY 2003

(English)
TRANSCRIPT OF PRESS CONFERENCE BY SECRETARY-GENERAL KOFI ANNANAND SPECIAL REPRESENTATIVE FOR IRAQ, SERGIO VIEIRA DE MELLO, 27 MAY 2003

The Secretary-General: Good afternoon, Ladies and Gentlemen.
Last week the Security Council came together in Resolution 1483 to chart the way forward for post-conflict Iraq. The Council has called on the United Nations to assist the Iraqi people, in coordination with the Authority, in a wide range of areas, including humanitarian relief, reconstruction, infrastructure rehabilitation, legal and judicial reforms, human rights and return of refugees, and also to assist with civilian police. These efforts are going to demand a lot from us and from the international community.I have asked Mr. Sergio Vieira de Mello to serve as my Special Representative. He will lead the United Nations effort in Iraq for the next four months.You saw him at work in Kosovo and in East Timor, running a complex mission there. I don’t think he needs an introduction. He has an exceptional and unique experience in running these operations and is also known as a good team builder and a consensus builder. I think he is someone who will hit the ground running.Obviously, I have to admit it was a rather difficult decision for me to name a sitting High Commissioner as my Representative in Iraq, even on a temporary basis, particularly as human rights has been on top of my own agenda and it is absolutely important to this organization. It was not an easy decision, but it also reflects the important challenge that we need to take on.No one has more experience in this area than Sergio Vieira de Mello, and I think for us to really get organized and become operational and effective immediately I needed someone who can hit the ground running and help us set up the operation at its early stages, so Sergio will be there for four months and will then return to his assignment in Geneva. In the meantime, Bertie Ramcharan will serve as Acting High Commissioner. I hope Sergio will have the support of all the Member States, and I am confident he will work well with the coalition Authority in Baghdad and with all the other groups in Iraq.I will now invite Sergio to say a few words.

Mr. Vieira de Mello: Thank you, Secretary-General, for your kind words and for your renewed confidence in me.The people of Iraq, as we know only too well, have suffered and have suffered enough. It is time that we all -– the Iraqis first, the coalition Authority and the United Nations –- come together to ensure that this suffering comes to an end and that the Iraqi people take their destiny into their own hands, as the Security Council resolution calls for, as quickly as possible. We must not fail.It will not come to you as a surprise, as the Secretary-General just indicated, that I consider the development of a culture of human rights in Iraq as fundamental to stability and true peace in that country. You may have read me in recent weeks, writing to that effect in the media. I believe, on the basis of my experience, that respect for human rights is the only solid foundation for durable peace and for development. I shall place particular importance, as agreed with the Secretary-General, on the need to ensure women’s rights and their full participation in the consultative processes –- not least the political one –- that lie ahead.As the Secretary-General said, the decision to appoint me to this relatively short-term assignment was not easy for him and for me, which is why we kept it to a relatively short duration, in order to lay the foundations of the United Nations role in that country. But I will leave behind, as he pointed out, a very strong team in Bertie Ramcharan and the senior management in my Office, and I will remain in very, very close touch with them.I think I will stop here, and we will take your questions.

Question [UNCA President]: Thank you, Secretary-General, for coming here today, and Mr. Sergio Vieira de Mello, as well.I would like to abuse my role, if I may, Sir, by asking a question about housekeeping before I ask a substantive question about Iraq. The housekeeping question has to do with a briefing that the United Nations Correspondents Association wanted to have on Friday of last week, which we were prevented from having because of pressures by one of the Member States.Article 19 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights stands solidly in defence of the principle of freedom of the press. I was hoping to get an assurance from you, Sir, that in the future you would be able to rely on this Article in defending our right to meet with whoever we choose. If I could get your answer to that, and then I will ask you a question about Iraq.

The Secretary-General: Let me say that we have always respected that right. And I think you in this room are very much aware of the practice and my own approach towards that issue. While we respect your rights, I think as an Organization we also have certain principles. I think you have to respect those principles just as much as we have to. I think the explanation you got was that the event you planned conflicted with the “one China” policy, that you had an individual who was coming here to discuss with you Taiwan’s relationship with the World Health Organization and its efforts to become an observer. That, quite frankly, you will have to admit, was not in line with the United Nations policy. So, this was an exceptional and unique situation. In the past, we have not interfered, and in the future we will not interfere.

Question: Obviously, this is not the place for a debate on the issue, and we will be taking this up in the future. I thank you for your answer.To move on to the issue of Iraq, resolution 1483 (2003) is silent on the issue of human rights, silent on the proposals by the occupying powers to establish military courts. I was wondering if you are distressed or upset in any way by that omission.More specifically, there have been reports today that the United States is now considering establishing a death row for its camp in Guantanamo, and I am wondering what your reaction to that is.

The Secretary-General: Let me say that the resolution does talk about promoting human rights, so human rights is covered. But on the legal and judicial issue, I think we are going to have lots of work to do. That is one of the areas that I am sure my Representative will have to tackle with the coalition Authority, and discuss this issue on the ground.Concerning the Guantanamo Bay development, I have not seen the details of it, and I would hesitate to comment on it at the moment.

Question: There are critics in the Middle East who are very strongly criticizing the United Nations, first, for in their eyes legitimizing the results of an illegal war -- which you yourself described as illegal -- in resolution 1483 (2003). Secondly, it has proved once again that the United Nations is unable to stop the unilateral action of a powerful State if it wishes to do so.My question concerning the special envoy is, why so short? Why only four months? Why not longer?

The Secretary-General: On your first question, let me say that this is an issue that the Council debated and considered for a long period. There have been divisions, and we cannot overlook that. Those divisions and issues -- positions of principle that governments and individuals took -- are a matter for the record. I do not think that the resolution that the Council adopted last week is going to change the history of the recent past. However, the Council has given us a solid and a legal basis for our operations in Iraq, and I think at this stage that all the Council members are focused on what they can do to help Iraq and the Iraqi people -- and I think that should be our focus and our emphasis. I think if we pursue our actions on that basis, we will be able to make a difference.On the question of the duration of Mr. Sergio Vieira de Mello’s appointment, obviously, as I said, he has an important assignment in Geneva. Yet he was uniquely qualified for this, and I have asked him to go and help establish the United Nations presence –- establish a relationship, mount the operation. He will be replaced at the end of the four months. I had to use him in a similar vein in Kosovo, as some of you may remember, and at that time, I limited it to two months. This time it will be four months. Iraq is a much more complex operation.

Question: I think the forthcoming interim Government is going to be an important one for the Iraqi people. People are wondering how the leader of the interim Government, as well as the cabinet members, will be decided on or selected. I hear that the Special Representative of the Secretary-General is going to assist in establishing the interim Government. Are you going to make suggestions, and the Americans will decide who is going to be the head, and the cabinet members? Would you explain the role of the Special Representative?


Mr. Vieira de Mello: I think I will be in a better position to answer your question after I have reached Baghdad and had an opportunity to consult, as I said, with a broad spectrum of Iraqi leaders and opinion-makers, as it were. I am not privy to the intentions of the Authority in terms of establishing this Iraqi interim administration –- transitional administration. I will do my best, however, on behalf of the Secretary-General and the Security Council to make sure that the interests of the Iraqi people come first.

The Secretary-General: And you should also remember that everyone is agreed –- and it is in the Council resolution -– that the Iraqis should be responsible for their own political future. They are going to be very much at the centre of this. We will be there to assist and to work with them; we are not going to impose any leaders on them.

Question: You are apparently reluctant during this process to delineate the role that the United Nations could or should play in Iraq. But after the Security Council has spoken, the United Nations has ended up with quite a broad and long-ranging mandate. How close does the resulting role come to what you think the ideal United Nations role should be? Secondly, sinceMr. Vieira de Mello’s appointment is only for four months, are you preparing a successor? Who might that be?

The Secretary-General: Good try. No, let me say that the resolution, indeed, does give us a broad mandate, and each situation is unique. When one refers to an ideal United Nations mandate –- it is difficult to describe an ideal United Nations mandate. First of all, this is a unique situation. It is the first time we are working on the ground with an occupying Power, side-by-side, trying to help the population in the territory. Therefore, there are certain things that we will have to work out on the ground. We have to define and work out our relationship with the coalition Authority or the occupying Power, and also our relationship with occupied Iraq. As he said, we are going to be in touch -– he will be in touch -– not only with the coalition but with a broad range of authorities. Some of the activities are very clear. The humanitarian mandate is very clear. We have a direct responsibility for it and we are going to carry it out as we are doing.In other areas, we have to work in partnership with the coalition and, of course, with Iraqi civil society and leaders. And, of course, these relationships will have to be worked out on the ground; we cannot decide it here before Mr. Vieira de Mello gets in. As he indicated earlier, most of it he will have to work out on the ground. But as far as the resolution is concerned, I think we can work with it. I think it gives us specific areas of responsibility, and we are going to carry on with it.Mr. Vieira de Mello will be replaced in four months, and I will announce his successor in due course –- but not today.

Question: This might be a little unrelated, but it is in the news. On the Road Map, reportedly one of the 14 conditions or reservations Israel has made is that the only part of the Quartet that will oversee the implementation on the ground will be the United States, and not the other three. Being one of the other three, will you insist that the United Nations will be in it? Also, what do you think of Israel’s acceptance of the Road Map?

The Secretary-General: I think it is a very encouraging development that Israel has accepted the Road Map. The Prime Minister has indicated that he has some questions that he is going to pose later. But the fact that he has accepted it is a positive development. And the Quartet, and the international community, has the basis for moving forward in assisting the two parties to resolve their conflict.As to the suggestion that Israel will only accept the United States as a party on the ground –- I take it to monitor the Road Map –- it is something that we will tackle as we move forward. But I think that all the partners are concerned to see effective action. We want to see progress; we want to see an end to this painful conflict. And we will, I am sure, accept any arrangement that will help us achieve that objective.

Question: The sanctions were lifted in the name of the Iraqi people, and now Mr. Vieira de Mello has been appointed in the name of the Iraqi people. Who are these Iraqis? Have they been consulted? And secondly, there are 300 million Arabs and 1 billion Muslims in the world. Why not one of them, with all due respect to Mr. Vieira de Mello?

The Secretary-General: Let me, first of all, correct you. I did not say that Mr. Vieira de Mello had been named in the name of the Iraqi people. I said that Sergio Vieira de Mello has been named to go and work with the Iraqi people, to assist them, and it is their interests and their concerns that should be forefront in our minds.As to your second question, I have a great deal of respect for all religions. It was not a religious factor. I think that, as we move forward and the team is formed, you will see that your question will be answered.

Question (interpretation from French): How does Mr. Vieira de Mello envisage the work that lies ahead with the coalition? Could he tell us something about this four-month mandate?

Mr. Vieira de Mello (interpretation from French): On the four-month mandate, I believe the Secretary-General has just responded. I have other full-time functions in Geneva. It was not easy to reach an understanding on the duration of the mission, so it seemed to us that four months was a reasonable duration that would not put my other functions in Geneva at risk. You are well aware of the importance of those functions, although, my mission in Iraq also relates to the protection of human rights, you will agree to that.Working with the Authority is part of the rules of the game. They are responsible for the administration of the country until there is a new order. As the Secretary-General has said and as the resolution says, we all hope that that new order will come soon. It is imperative that the Iraqi people take the destiny of their country in their own hands. We will contribute to that, working with the Authority, working with the other components of the international community: the diplomatic community in Baghdad, the neighbouring countries –- because Iraq cannot be dealt with in isolation from those countries –- and with all the representatives of civil and political society in Iraq.

Question: Mr. Secretary-General, you have said that human rights is at the top of your agenda, and you, Mr. Vieira de Mello, have pointed to the importance of promoting women’s rights. May I ask you what, specifically, do you think the United Nations can do to further women’s rights in Iraq, especially when we hear now about various conservative clerics who want to turn back the clock and limit women’s roles?

Mr. Vieira de Mello: I think experience has shown that an assertive policy in the promotion of the full range of the human rights of women –- be they civil, political, or economic, social and cultural –- can only lead to peace, stability, development and tolerance. So, we will do our utmost –- within, obviously, the limitations of our own mandate –- to bring that about among the components of Iraqi society and to assist the Authority, which is charged to do the same.

The Secretary-General: I think your question also implied that you are concerned that Iraqi women, who have had relative freedom, may lose ground and that one should do everything possible to ensure that that does not happen and, if possible, that their interests and rights are protected. We do share that objective and I think that will be one of the efforts Mr. Vieira de Mello will be making with the Iraqi authorities and with others on the ground.

Question: Mr. Vieira de Mello, when will you actually be hitting the ground running in Baghdad, and with what size of staff? What will be the makeup of that staff? And what is to prevent you hitting the ground running as a lame duck and with people basically saying: “Well, he is only going to be here four months. If we don’t like him, we’ll just deal with his successor”?

Mr. Vieira de Mello: First of all, the United Nations is not absent from Iraq. We already have a sizeable presence in that country that is doing a fabulous job in very, very difficult circumstances. I am speaking of the humanitarian community.Secondly, I intend to “hit the ground”, as you put it, on Monday morning at the latest, with a relatively small team, because the conditions in Baghdad are still not ideal, both in terms of accommodation and office space, not to speak of security. But that will be reinforced in different, successive waves until we reach the ideal size, which I still need to determine, of our mission in Baghdad.As far as being a lame duck, I don’t think I was a lame duck in Kosovo when I served for two months in the initial phase. We won’t have time for that. I am going there with my team to do immediate, important and urgent work and you will see that we won’t be lame ducks in any way or fashion.

Question: Mr. Vieira de Mello, could you tell us what you actually plan to do next Monday, next week, when you get there? Specifically, you must have some ideas of what you would like to do. Also, could you tell us what your ideas are about doing a Bonn-style large political conference so that there would really be a great input from the Iraqi people in trying to decide on their political future?

Mr. Vieira de Mello: Your second question is difficult and you will easily understand that I cannot answer that now. Let me get there and let us see how we can contribute to that happening. Now, as far as I am concerned, as I hit the ground, priority number one will be to establish contacts with the representative Iraqi leaders, representatives of the media, of civil society -– and there are many. Iraqi society is rich and that richness has been suppressed brutally for the last 24 years. But they are there –- they are there or are returning as we speak –- and they are my priority. Number two: establish good working relations with the Authority, with the coalition members. Number three: visit all the provinces, because Iraq is not limited to Baghdad and I think it is important that I pay attention to what Iraqis in all the 18 provinces actually feel and aspire to in terms of their future.

Question: Mr. Vieira de Mello, have you in your long travels with the United Nations ever been in Baghdad and can you compare it to your experiences in East Timor, which certainly put you on the map for the United Nations in terms of nation building? The big difference is that you were like the mayor, governor, first de facto president of that island, and now a quite different situation. Can you compare the experiences?

Mr. Vieira de Mello: I was in Baghdad as a child with my father when he was posted in the region, and I have visited once since, but that was a long time ago.Secondly, I find it always dangerous to compare one experience with another. Certainly, East Timor, Kosovo, Cambodia, Afghanistan and Sierra Leone have taught us many lessons which can be applied in the case of Iraq, but the two situations are completely different and I’ll have to determine how the lessons I’ve learned and the Organization has learned could apply to this particular mandate in Iraq.

Question (interpretation from French): Mr. Vieira de Mello, could you give us your assessment of the present situation, the problems that seem to you to be most urgent, most difficult to manage in the immediate term?

Mr. Vieira de Mello (interpretation from French): I believe that, in the immediate term, it is obvious that the question of law and order is of priority. Security has not yet been fully restored and it is impossible to deal with the rest and to build what we want to build: democratic institutions, a real culture of human rights and a political process, making it possible for the Iraqis to govern themselves as soon as possible -– it’s impossible without security.

Question: Mr. Secretary-General, a lot has been written about the allegedly diminished role of the United Nations pre- and post-conflict. What is your reaction to these kinds of comment?

The Secretary-General: I really will have to say that I obviously don’t know the basis of the definition that before the conflict the United Nations was not active. I think all of us saw the intensive activities in the Council and the debate that led to the divisions we’ve all talked about -– the debate and the divisions that cut across old, traditional lines. So I think the Council, in a way, and the United Nations did before the war what it was supposed to do. The Council acted the way it should have. The fact that they did not come to a common consensus, and the war took place without the Council’s approval, did not mean that the Council did not do its work. The Council did debate; the Council really took the issue very, very seriously. And since the war, the discussions that led to resolution 1483 (2003) were also extremely difficult. But I think that, if I understand you correctly, you are implying -– as others have implied –- that the United Nations should have been able to stop the war, and it was not in the capacity of the United Nations to do that.

Question (interpretation from French): Mr. Secretary-General, there has been a great deal of criticism regarding the fact that, despite your very strong attitude towards the war on Iraq, there was not enough strength to stop the war. What can you say in response to this type of criticism?

The Secretary-General (interpretation from French): Obviously, Security Council members discussed and are still discussing this issue. The Council was fully seized of the matter. The decision was theirs to make, not mine. My position was clear: I would have preferred a peaceful solution. But that was not possible, and I believe everyone knows that. That’s why today we have a mandate to help the Iraqi people, and we will do everything possible to help them.Spokesman: Thank you very much, ladies and gentlemen.
http://www.un.org/News/Press/docs/2003/sgsm8720.doc.htm
UN Security Council Resolutions, http://www.un.org/Docs/sc/unsc_resolutions03.html (UN Security Council Resolution 1483).