CivitasMaxima.org | Estudos Sergio Vieira de Mello

2011: An extraordinary year for human rights | Human Rights Day 2011

2011-12-10T02:03:00.001Z

World Humanitarian Day 2011 - 'If I Could Change' ft. Ziggy Marley

2011-09-07T00:11:00.002+01:00

Link,http://www.sergiovdmfoundation.org/wcms/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=137&Itemid=204&lang=pt

World Humanitarian Day 2011 | 19 August | UNifeed:Geneva/de Mello

2011-09-06T23:49:00.021+01:00

Wife of the late Sergio Vieira de Mello, Annie Vieira de Mello, said today that World Humanitarian Day is now important for all people working in very difficult places. "(...) They're just being remembered. They're being part of the family and I think that's the day for solidarity." .World Humanitarian Day is observed on the anniversary of the bombing of UN Headquarters in Baghdad in 2003 which killed UN Special Representative Sergio Vieira de Mello and 21 colleagues.

CH UNTV
Duration:01:52 Date:19 August 2011 Link,http://www.unmultimedia.org/tv/unifeed/d/18318.html

News - World Humanitarian Day 2011

2011-08-20T01:09:00.012+01:00

World Humanitarian Day 2011
"19 August is World Humanitarian Day. The day is dedicated to humanitarian workers. They are the ones at the forefront of crises, often working in the world's most dangerous places and difficult conditions, risking their lives to save lives. There are more than half a million aid workers in the world today.
The European Union is the leading donor of humanitarian aid in the world. In 2010 the European Commission alone dedicated €1.115 billion for assistance in humanitarian crises. The European Commission's Humanitarian Aid and Civil Protection department (ECHO) has more than 400 staff deployed in its 47 offices around the world. They are our eyes and ears on the ground. They assess the needs in emergencies and crises and monitor the deployment of EU humanitarian aid. These are their testimonies. (...).

Link, http://ec.europa.eu/echo/people/index_en.htm , cnsultado a 19 de Agosto de 2011

World Humanitarian Day 2011 - Promo

2011-08-03T16:11:00.006+01:00

The World in a Day - The United Nations General Assembly

2011-06-25T20:46:00.002+01:00

II Seminário da Cátedra Sergio Vieira de Mello no Brasil | 2011. Relatório do I Seminário da Cátedra Sergio Vieira de Mello no Brasil | 2010

2011-05-16T18:15:00.009+01:00

II Seminário da Cátedra Sergio Vieira de Mello no Brasil - 2011. Relatório do I Seminário da Cátedra Sergio Vieira de Mello no Brasil - 2010

The United Nations: It's Your World

2011-05-14T00:55:00.007+01:00

http://2seminariocsvm.blogspot.com/

O trabalho das Nações Unidas | ONU

2011-05-13T23:46:00.004+01:00

Genocide Prevention

2011-04-23T05:08:00.012+01:00

Link, http://youtu.be/MfQSxYIBsLo, consultado a 23 de Abril de 2011.

Jorge Sampaio UN High Representative for the Alliance of Civilizations

2011-04-14T17:33:00.022+01:00

Jorge Sampaio Former President of the Portuguese Republic, United Nations Secretary-General’s Special Envoy to Stop Tuberculosis and UN High Representative for the Alliance of Civilizations
*Link, http://www.unaoc.org/ , consultado a 14 de abril de 2011.

Interview with UN High Representative for the Alliance of Civilizations
*Link,http://tvnewsroom.consilium.europa.eu/story/index/vocabulary_id/tags/term_id/223/story_id/15336/media_id/32056/media_type/video

Alliance of Civilizations

2011-04-14T16:33:00.011+01:00

Link,http://www.unaoc.org/about/ , consultado a 14 de abril de 2011* *Link,http://www.unaoc.org/about/high-representative/, consultado a 19 de maio de 2011.

Actividades da União Europeia – Direitos do homem

2011-04-09T22:34:00.007+01:00

Actividades da União Europeia – Direitos do homem: "Actividades da União Europeia – Direitos do Homem". http://europa.eu/pol/rights/index_pt.htm

Dag Hammarskjöld | Peace in Mind

2011-04-09T18:32:00.013+01:00

Diplomata Sueco Dag Hammarskjöld (1905-1961), ex-Secretário Geral das Nações Unidas, morto a serviço da ONU em missão de paz no Congo (1961), e Prémio Nobel da Paz(1961).
http://www.un.org/sg/hammarskjold.shtml

2011 annual Sergio Vieira de Mello Lecture | 2011 Sergio Vieira de Mello Award

2011-04-01T23:20:00.042+01:00

Album: Annual lecture 2011 Sergio Vieira de Mello Foundation José Manuel Durão Barroso, Annie Vieira de Mello, Adrien et Laurent Vieira de Mello http://www.sergiovdmfoundation.org/wcms/index.php?option=com_anotherpicasa&view=album&Itemid=200&lang=pt .

Album: Annual award 2011 Sergio Vieira de Mello Foundation
Martina Pignatti Moreno, presenting Al-Messala ONG http://www.sergiovdmfoundation.org/wcms/index.php?option=com_anotherpicasa&view=album&Itemid=202&lang=en .

UNbomb | Iraq | Baghdad, August 19, 2003

2011-03-31T22:04:00.016+01:00

Link, http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ctkZQDSK3rU

President José Manuel Barroso - European Commission - Speech at the annual conference of the Sergio Vieira de Mello Foundation | 2011

2011-03-31T16:44:00.030+01:00

President José Manuel Barroso - European Commission - Speech at the annual conference of the Sergio Vieira de Mello Foundation: "President José Manuel Barroso - European Commission - Speech at the annual conference of the Sergio Vieira de Mello Foundation".

Link, http://tinyurl.com/5uu9693 , consultado a 31 de Março de 2011.

Discurso na Conferência Anual da Fundação Sergio Vieira de Mello por José Manuel Durão Barroso | The 2011 annual Sergio Vieira de Mello Lecture

2011-03-30T22:15:00.031+01:00

José Manuel Durão Barroso Président de la Commission européenne Sur la voie de la démocratie - une perspective européenne Conférence Sergio Vieira de Mello Genève, le 28 mars 2011

Madame, Excellence, Mesdames et Messieurs, Chers amis,

Laissez-moi tout d'abord vous dire combien je me sens honoré d'être ici aujourd'hui avec vous à Genève pour rendre hommage à Sergio Vieira de Mello. En fait, c'est toujours un plaisir pour moi de revenir à Genève, où j'ai passé six ans de ma vie, et je le fais d'ailleurs en la présence de certains amis, et je tiens à les remercier pour leur présence. Sergio Vieira de Mello fut un homme d'exception dont le souvenir reste si vivace en chacun d'entre nous. Et je voudrais remercier très chaleureusement Madame Vieira de Mello, ses enfants et aussi l'Institut des Hautes Etudes Internationales et du Développement de m'avoir invité à la quatrième Conférence annuelle organisée à la mémoire de ce grand serviteur de la paix, de la démocratie et des droits de l'homme. Chacun sait à quel point Sergio était un homme remarquable tant par ses qualités humaines et intellectuelles que par son engagement professionnel, son courage, son dévouement de tout instant au service de la dignité de l'homme. Kofi Annan, aussi parmi nous ce soir, alors Secrétaire général des Nations Unies, a probablement le mieux résumé l'extrême richesse de la personnalité de Sergio lorsqu'il a déclaré, je cite : "je crois que personne ne pourrait nous manquer davantage, au plan professionnel comme au plan affectif." Sergio était effectivement, à plus d’un titre, une personnalité tout à fait unique et attachante. Ici même à Genève en septembre 2002, s'adressant à des journalistes alors qu'il venait de prendre ses fonctions de Haut Commissaire aux Droits de l'Homme, Sergio disait et je le cite: "mon travail concerne les individus, il concerne ceux qui ont faim, ceux qui vivent dans la misère, ceux qui subissent les régimes d'oppression, ceux qui subissent la torture, ceux qui sont exploités et ceux auxquels on impose le silence." Pendant trente-cinq ans, Sergio a consacré sa vie à aider tant d’hommes et tant de femmes à travers le monde à affirmer leur dignité, à faire entendre leur voix, à se construire un avenir. Il a inlassablement poursuivi ce combat du Bangladesh au Soudan, du Mozambique au Liban, du Cambodge au Kosovo, et du Timor oriental jusqu'en Iraq, jusqu'à un 19 août 2003 à Bagdad. Avant l'Iraq, Sergio avait accompli ce qui est probablement l'une de ses plus belles réussites, et à laquelle je suis particulièrement sensible. Pendant presque trois ans, de novembre 1999 à avril 2002, alors qu'il était le représentant spécial des Nations Unies et chef de l'administration transitoire au Timor oriental, Timor Leste, Sergio a contribué à l'émergence d’un nouveau État, d'une nouvelle démocratie, le 192ème pays des Nations Unies, le premier pays indépendant du 21ème siècle : le Timor Leste créé le 20 mai 2002. Je garde encore la lettre, que conjointement avec Ramos-Horta, il m'a écrit pour m'inviter, en tant que Premier Ministre du Portugal, à la cérémonie de l'indépendance de ce pays. Et je peux vous dire avec quelle émotion nous avons pris note de ce grand fait pour ce petit pays de la région de l'Asie-Pacifique. Et s’il est vrai que ce sont les Timorais eux-mêmes qui ont gagné leur indépendance grâce à leur détermination et à leur courage, il est vrai aussi que la consolidation de l’indépendance du Timor et la construction d’un Etat démocratique viable doivent beaucoup à l'engagement et au dévouement de personnes telles que Sergio Vieira de Mello. Je veux d'ailleurs vous dire à quel point cela a été important le rôle des Nations Unies. A un moment où presque personne ne croyait à la possibilité de l'indépendance du Timor Leste, je me rappelle bien parce que parfois le Portugal et les pays lusophones, nous étions pratiquement seuls dans cette lutte. C'était aux Nations Unies que nous allions, je me rappelle des contacts que j'ai eu avec le prédécesseur de Kofi Annan, Boutros Boutros-Ghali, ici même, à New York, mais ici même à Genève, nous avons lancé des conversations avec le ministre Indonésien Ali Alatas, qui a déjà disparu, pour lancer ce processus, qui après aurait mené à l'indépendance de ce pays, et je vois là mon compatriote Antonio Guterres, lui-même ancien Premier Ministre du Portugal, qui a aussi donné une contribution pour que cela puisse être possible. C'était vraiment un de ces événements qui montre que les cyniques n'ont pas toujours raison. Les cyniques qui disaient que c'était impossible de lutter contre la géopolitique, contre la realpolitik, n'ont pas toujours raison. Que c'est possible, grâce au droit international, grâce aux Nations Unies, grâce à la volonté de tous ceux qui croient à certains idéaux, lutter contre ce que certains présentent comme la fatalité. Mesdames et messieurs, aujourd'hui, pour la première fois, va être remis le prix Sergio Vieira de Mello. Comme vous le savez, il sera décerné tout à l'heure à l'organisation non-gouvernementale 'Al Mesalla Center for Human Resources Development' en reconnaissance de son travail pour la paix et la réconciliation en Iraq. Il ne pouvait y avoir de plus bel hommage rendu en ce jour à Sergio qui a donné sa vie pour la paix et la démocratie dans ce pays. Je tiens à féliciter vivement cette organisation pour sa ténacité dans son travail en faveur de la promotion de la non-violence, et du dialogue inter-ethnique et inter-religieux. Le respect de l’autre et le respect de la différence sont à la base de la démocratie. Car si la démocratie c’est la volonté de la majorité, la démocratie c’est aussi, nous le savons tous, le respect des minorités. L'indépendance, la démocratie sont des biens précieux et c’est justement de la démocratie dont je veux vous parler aujourd’hui. Ici, en Europe nous avons réussi à bâtir des Etats et une Union qui, bien qu’imparfaits, ont comme clef de voûte le respect de la démocratie et des droits de l´Homme. Ce n’est malheureusement pas encore le cas dans d’autres régions du monde. Après la grande percée des années 1990 avec la chute du mur de Berlin, la dissolution de l’ex-Union Soviétique et le début des alternances de pouvoir en Afrique, les dernières années ont connu une stagnation des progrès de la démocratie dans le monde. Cependant, 2011 pourrait bien être le début d’un nouveau réveil démocratique. Récemment, nous avons entendu une forte demande pour plus de liberté résonner partout dans le monde arabe. Des images qui nous sont familières de jeunes gens descendant dans les rues pour réclamer démocratie, liberté politique, justice sociale nous ont tous touchés. Mais si les images étaient familières, les lieux étaient plus surprenants. Certains ne pensaient-ils pas que les rues et les places arabes ne pourraient jamais connaître de tels spectacles et entendre retentir une telle clameur populaire pour la participation à la vie politique, pour le respect de la dignité humaine, pour la liberté? Ces mêmes voix estimaient que les valeurs de la démocratie étaient incompatibles avec la culture arabe, ou dans des pays à majorité islamique, que la démocratie était une valeur exclusive des pays et cultures occidentalisés. Ces préjugés révèlent une méconnaissance de l'Histoire, mais aussi une véritable méconnaissance de l’être humain ; chaque individu aspire à vivre une vie plus digne et à voir ses droits respectés. S'il a la possibilité, il aura de la liberté. Ces préjugés révèlent aussi une méconnaissance de la pensée d’Arabes aussi importants pour l’histoire des idées qu’al-Farabi, Avicenna et Averroes qui ont été parmi les premiers à traduire et à interpréter les classiques grecs sur le "dêmos-kratos". Les droits de l'Homme sont sans aucun doute une valeur universelle. L'aspiration à la démocratie est universelle parce qu’elle émane du fonds de l’être humain. Peu importe d’où il vient, où il habite. Nous avons tous été impressionnés par ces jeunes gens et ces jeunes femmes. Leurs aspirations, leur enthousiasme, leur courage ont, je l'avoue, ravivé mes souvenirs de jeunesse. Car je viens moi-même d'un pays qui longtemps a été privé de démocratie, de libertés politiques, de libertés publiques. Quand j'étais jeune étudiant en droit à Lisbonne, le Portugal d'alors était bien différent de ce qu’il est aujourd’hui. Il n’y avait pas de liberté politique, il n'y avait pas de partis politiques; ils étaient interdits. La presse était censurée et à l'époque, je me rappelle aussi de voir beaucoup de gens faire le lien entre démocratie et un certain type de culture. Une dimension importante de la consolidation du projet démocratique au Portugal a été, justement, l’adhésion à la Communauté européenne, qui deviendrait maintenant l’Union européenne. Il en a été de même avec l’Espagne post-franquiste ou avec la Grèce après le régime des Colonels. Ça explique pourquoi notre génération a fait cette équation tellement claire entre démocratie et Union européenne. Et quelques années plus tard, nous avons vu cette même aspiration à la démocratie s'exprimer, dans d'autres circonstances, en Europe centrale et orientale, et avec le même désir de joindre l'Union européenne. Dans ce cas, dans le post totalitarisme des régimes imposés par l'Union Soviétique. Mais le chemin de l'adhésion à l'Union européenne ne va pas sans conditionnalité. Il faut remplir ce que nous appelons les critères de Copenhague qui sont à la fois des critères politiques et économiques, le premier d'entre eux étant précisément d'avoir des "institutions stables garantissant l'état de droit, la démocratie, les droits de l'homme, le respect des minorités et leur protection." Par cette politique d'élargissement conditionnelle l'Union européenne contribue ainsi à la consolidation de la démocratie naissante ou renaissante dans les pays qui souhaitent la rejoindre. C'est ce qu'on appelle parfois maintenant le soft power de l'Union européenne. En fait l'Union européenne a été, et continue à être, une grande source d'inspiration pour la démocratie dans son voisinage et même dans d'autres régions du monde. Et ce parcours explique que l'Union européenne comprenne parfaitement les aspirations des peuples voisins du Sud. Face aux enjeux du Printemps arabe, l’Europe ne pouvait être qu’aux côtés de ceux qui manifestent pour plus de liberté car notre place est et sera toujours auprès de ceux qui aspirent à la dignité humaine, à la liberté et à la démocratie. Il ne peut y avoir aucune ambiguïté à cet égard! Certes nous sommes encore loin, bien loin de connaître la fin de ces processus. Les transitions s’accompagnent toujours de risques, d’incertitudes, parfois de dangers très importants. Toutefois la peur de l’incertitude ne peut pas paralyser l’espoir d’un avenir plus prometteur. Et pour nous, en Europe, il fallait définir une position, on ne pourrait pas rester au milieu du pont entre dictature et démocratie, nous avons choisi clairement le soutien à la démocratie. Car nous croyons que cette nouvelle génération, ces jeunes gens et ces jeunes femmes qui sont descendus dans les rues ne font pas appel à des modèles autoritaires comme alternatifs. Ils expriment, avant tout, un rejet des dictatures corrompues et une aspiration à la démocratie. En s'inspirant de la distinction faite par Samuel Huntington, nous pourrions dire qu'une quatrième vague de démocratisation a commencé à Tunis et au Caire et je crois qu'elle ne s’arrêtera pas à Tripoli. Huntington considérait que la première vague de démocratisation était celle qui au 19ème siècle s'était développée en Grande-Bretagne, en France, aux Etats-Unis et qu'elle était suivie par celle de l'après- seconde guerre mondiale avec une renaissance de l'idéal démocratique entre 1945 et 1962 puis à partir des années 1970 par une troisième vague qui a précisément débuté avec les pays du Sud de l'Europe, avec la Grèce, le Portugal, l' Espagne et qui alors avait touché l'Amérique latine qui a été très déterminée par l'évolution de la péninsule ibérique, et après bien sûr, l'Europe centrale et orientale. Mais il y a une certaine ironie à constater que cette quatrième vague qui vient de commencer dans les pays de la Méditerranée du sud marque aussi la fin du déterminisme culturaliste défendu par Huntington. L'aspiration à la liberté et à la dignité peut partout à travers le monde être plus forte que les forces de la haine et de la peur. Et sur la Libye précisément, laissez-moi vous dire que ce qui était en train de se passer dans ce pays était inacceptable. Un régime qui tire sur son propre peuple n’a pas de place dans le concert des nations. La décision d’utiliser des moyens militaires pour assurer la protection des civils n'est jamais facile. La Résolution 1973 des Nations Unies est sans doute une résolution extrêmement importante dans l'Histoire du droit international. Et l'action qui a été décidée par certains pays, notamment par certains pays européens, a été une décision d'un grand courage politique. Mais quelle serait l'alternative ? L’alternative aurait été de croiser les bras pendant que toute une population se faisait massacrer. Comme si l’on avait tout oublié et rien appris du Rwanda ou de Srebrenica. La souveraineté des Etats ne va pas sans responsabilité dont celle de protéger ses populations. Quand un régime échoue de façon si brutale il revient à la communauté internationale de prendre ses responsabilités! Mais l’expérience démontre que s’il faut beaucoup de courage et de détermination pour mettre fin à des régimes autocratiques, il en faut encore plus, au moins plus de patience, plus de détermination, pour bâtir des vrais régimes démocratiques. Et si je ne pense pas que l'on puisse imposer la démocratie de l'extérieur – non, elle doit venir de l'intérieur de la société elle-même - je crois qu'on peut aider à la promouvoir, à la consolider. Ceci doit être justement le rôle de l’Union européenne, et bien sûr de tous ceux qui forment la communauté des démocraties dans le monde. Ça doit être le rôle de l'Union européenne face aux transitions en cours; aider à ce que ces processus de transition aboutissent à des systèmes plus justes, plus démocratiques et plus respectueux des droits individuels. Les aspirations exprimées jusqu’à présent par ces hommes et ces femmes du pourtour de la Méditerranée ne pourront être satisfaites que par des réformes politiques et économiques rapides et ambitieuses; et nous sommes prêts à apporter notre soutien à tous ceux qui ont la volonté d'entreprendre de telles réformes. C'est pourquoi la Commission européenne a lancé un "Partenariat pour la démocratie et une prospérité partagée" avec le sud de la Méditerranée reposant sur trois piliers: transformation démocratique (notamment l'appui à l'institutionnalisation d'un régime démocratique); engagement avec les sociétés civiles et développement solidaire. Cette orientation a été appuyée par le Conseil européen c'est-à-dire par l'unanimité des Etats membres de l'Union européenne. Il est de notre responsabilité de soutenir les changements en cours qui portent en eux l'espoir d'une plus grande liberté, d'une vie meilleure, de plus de démocratie et de justice sociale, autant de valeurs et d'aspirations que nous partageons tous, parce que nous croyons qu'elles doivent être vues comme des valeurs et aspirations universelles. L'Union européenne possède l'expérience et les instruments nécessaires pour aider ces peuples dans leur chemin vers la démocratie. Mais ici encore, fidèles à nos valeurs et à nos principes, le partenariat que nous proposons est un partenariat non seulement solidaire mais aussi responsable. Il repose sur une politique conditionnelle et différenciée d'aide à la démocratie. Réformes politiques et économiques doivent aller de pair et les pays qui iront plus loin et plus vite dans leurs réformes pourront compter sur un soutien plus important de la part de l'Union européenne. Mais la démocratie est beaucoup plus que la tenue d’élections. C'est aussi une société civile vibrante, une presse libre. C’est la raison pour laquelle l’un des éléments clés de ce nouveau partenariat, que nous voulons bâtir avec nos voisins du Sud, est l’engagement direct avec la société civile. Une société civile dynamique peut contribuer à défendre les droits de l'homme ainsi qu’à renforcer la démocratie et la bonne gouvernance, en jouant un rôle important de surveillance des pouvoirs publics. La Commission va créer un mécanisme de voisinage en faveur de la société civile visant à renforcer leur capacité à suivre les réformes et à participer efficacement aux dialogues concernant les politiques à mener. Les chemins qui mènent à la démocratie, nous le savons bien, ne sont jamais faciles, ils sont souvent très fragiles. Ils ne sont jamais un long fleuve tranquille. Et c'est bien là que nous pouvons aider, dans la consolidation des systèmes qui respectent l’Etat de droit et les libertés individuelles. Car comme l’a rappelé Raymond Aron: "Ce qui est essentiel dans l'idée d'un régime démocratique, c'est d'abord la légalité : un régime où il y a des lois et où le pouvoir n'est pas arbitraire et sans limites." La base juridique est effectivement fondamentale et c'est un point que Sergio Vieira de Mello avait lui aussi souligné en parlant des droits de l'homme et je le cite : "les droits de l'homme ne sont pas uniquement une question politique, une question économique ou sociale, ils sont essentiellement une question juridique, ayant une base juridique, ils ont une base de droit. "

Mesdames et Messieurs,

A Genève, ce jour de septembre 2002 que j'ai évoqué au début de mon intervention Sergio a dit aussi et je le cite: "les droits de l'homme se fondent sur la dignité, et la dignité de tous, mais aussi la nôtre. Et plus particulièrement la mienne afin que je puisse me regarder dans le miroir et me dire que je fais ce que, eux, attendent de nous." Je crois que c'est une leçon qui s'applique à tous et que nous ne devons jamais oublier. Pour l'Union européenne aussi être auprès de ceux qui aspirent à la démocratie, à la dignité c'est faire ce qu'ils attendent et espèrent de nous, c'est pouvoir nous regarder dans le miroir sans honte. Si nous devons nous tromper que ce soit en faveur de ceux qui crient pour plus de libertés. Nous devons reconnaitre nous-mêmes, nous avons des problèmes, mais nous devons reconnaitre aussi que nous pouvons travailler avec nos partenaires. Je crois que nous serions indignes de rester indifférents à leurs aspirations. Il appartient à chaque pays de tracer sa propre voie et de faire ses propres choix, nous sommes là pour les aider et contribuer à ce que l'espoir l'emporte définitivement sur la crainte et que la liberté triomphe définitivement de la répression. Et quel meilleur endroit que Genève pour passer un tel message. Cette ville accueille les Nations Unies, et les plus grandes organisations internationales. Des milliers de personnes, dans le sillage de Sergio, des sièges de leurs organisations à Genève jusqu'aux quatre coins du monde, loin de leur patrie, servent la cause de la dignité humaine. Et je tiens à saisir cette occasion, où je fais mon hommage à Sergio Vieira de Mello, pour faire aussi un hommage à tous ceux, les fonctionnaires internationaux, aux Nations Unies, aux organisations internationales, aussi aux organisations non gouvernementales, tous ceux qui parfois quittent leur patrie pour travailler, très souvent dans l'anonymat, avec un grand courage. Je crois que le monde est aujourd'hui mieux que ce qu'il pourrait être grâce à l'effort des milliers et des milliers d'hommes et de femmes qui parfois ne sont pas tellement reconnus, parce qu'ils ont quitté leur pays, parce qu'ils travaillent au service d'un idéal transnational, supranational. Peut-être mieux que quiconque, ces fonctionnaires, ils nous font comprendre que le monde est aussi notre patrie et que les valeurs de la liberté et du respect des droits de l'Homme et de la démocratie sont universelles. Ils illustrent parfaitement ce qu'Erasme de Rotterdam avait un jour écrit à son ami Budé et je que cite: "Que vous soyez patriotiques sera loué par beaucoup et facilement pardonné par tout le monde; mais à mon avis il est plus sage de traiter les hommes et les choses comme si nous avons tenu ce monde la patrie commune de tous." Voilà. Sergio Vieira de Mello était un Brésilien qui aimait profondément son pays, mais qui considérait aussi comme Erasme le monde comme la patrie commune de tous. Aujourd'hui, lui rendre hommage, c'est continuer de lutter pour les valeurs de la démocratie, du respect des droits de l'Homme, de la paix, et de la Justice. Je vous remercie de votre attention.

Link,http://europa.eu/rapid/pressReleasesAction.do?reference=SPEECH/11/222&format=HTML&aged=0&language=FR&guiLanguage=en, consultado a 30 de Março de 2011

What UN Women Means to Me (French)

2011-03-05T21:04:00.003Z

UN Women Launch Event, United Nations, New York | 24 February 2011

2011-03-05T20:58:00.004Z

Link, http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Knf-mY8Ek8Q&feature=channel , consultado a 5 de Março de 2011.

Human Rights Defenders 2010

2010-12-10T02:34:00.002Z

United Nations Secretary General message on Human Rights Day 2010

2010-12-10T02:26:00.002Z

Human Rights Day 2010

2010-12-10T00:17:00.006Z

The theme for Human Rights Day 10 December 2010 is human rights defenders who act to end discrimination.
Human rights defenders acting against discrimination, often at great personal risk to both themselves and their families, are being recognized and acclaimed on this day.
Human rights defenders speak out against abuse and violations including discrimination, exclusion, oppression and violence. They advocate justice and seek to protect the victims of human rights violations. They demand accountability for perpetrators and transparency in government action. In so doing, they are often putting at risk their own safety, and that of their families.
Some human rights defenders are famous, but most are not. They are active in every part of the world, working alone and in groups, in local communities, in national politics and internationally.
Human Rights Day 2010 will highlight and promote the achievements of human rights defenders and it will again emphasize the primary responsibility Governments have to enable and protect their role. The Day is also intended to inspire a new generation of defenders to speak up and take action to end discrimination in all of its forms whenever and wherever it is manifested.
The story does not end after 10 December 2010. The focus on the work of human rights defenders will continue through all of 2011. (...).
Link,http://www.ohchr.org/EN/NewsEvents/Pages/HRDay2010.aspx , consultado a 10 de Dezembro de 2010

O trabalho desenvolvido pela ONU em todo o mundo

2010-11-24T03:19:00.003Z

INSTITUCIONES GLOBALES DEL SIGLO XXI

2010-11-16T01:22:00.017Z

Luis Moreno Ocampo: INSTITUCIONES GLOBALES DEL SIGLO XXI http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-H8iLYdn21Y

Liberación de Aung San Suu Kyi

2010-11-15T23:55:00.014Z

13 de noviembre, 2010

"El Secretario General de la ONU, Ban Ki-moon, expresó alegría por la liberación de la activista birmana Aung San Suu Kyi, acontecida este sábado.
Suu Kyi, es presidenta de la Liga Nacional para la Democracia de Myanmar y ha estado bajo arresto domiciliario durante casi 20 años.
"Su dignidad y valentía al afrontar la injusticia han servido de inspiración a muchas personas en el mundo, incluyendo al Secretario General, quien ha sido un ferviente defensor de su libertad", dice un comunicado del portavoz de la ONU.
El texto añade que a pesar del júbilo que produce su liberación, es profundamente lamentable que se le haya impedido participar en las elecciones celebradas recientemente.
Subraya el deseo del Secretario General de que no se le impongan más restricciones a San Suu Kyi e insta a las autoridades de Myanmar a que liberen inmediatamente a los restantes presos políticos.
El comunicado termina afirmando que la democracia y la reconciliación nacional requieren que todos los ciudadanos del país participen libremente en la vida política y que la ONU continuará apoyando los genuinos esfuerzos del Gobierno y el pueblo de ese Estado asiático en su camino hacia la paz, la democracia y la prosperidad."

Link,http://www.un.org/spanish/News/fullstorynews.asp?newsID=19674&criteria1= , consultado a 15 de Novembro de 2010.

World Humanitarian Day | GENEVA 2010

2010-10-09T01:10:00.019+01:00

Album: World Humanitarian Day 2010 - Geneva

Ms. Navanethem Pillay, High Commissioner for Human RightsMonday, 23 August 2010 Album: World Humanitarian Day 2010 - Geneva Sergio Vieira de Mello Foundation

Dia Humanitário Mundial ¦ Edição 2010

2010-08-08T20:56:00.006+01:00

WORLD HUMANITARIAN DAY

The 2010 annual Sergio Vieira de Mello Lecture

2010-04-01T15:53:00.032+01:00

THURSDAY 11th MARCH 2010
The 2010 annual Sergio Vieira de Mello Lecture was delivered by Dr. Bernard Kouchner, French Minister of Foreign and European Affairs.

French Minister of Foreign Affairs, Bernard Kouchner, delivers his message during the Memorial Lecture of the Sergio Vieira de Mello Foundation at the International Conference Centre Geneva (CICG) in Geneva, Switzerland, Thursday, March 11, 2010. AP Photo.

Monsieur le Président du Timor-Oriental,
Monsieur le Conseiller d'Etat,
Madame la Chancelière d'Etat,
Monsieur le Maire,
Monsieur le directeur général de l'Office des Nations Unies à Genève
Mesdames et Messieurs les Ambassadeurs,
Mesdames et Messieurs,
Chers amis,

Je suis très ému d’être parmi vous aujourd’hui, pour rendre hommage à l’engagement, à la pensée, à la philosophie de Sergio Vieira de Mello. Et je voudrais remercier Mme Vieira de Mello, ainsi que l'Institut des hautes études internationales et de développement, de m’avoir invité à intervenir pour la troisième édition de cette Conférence.
Sergio a été pour moi, pendant trente ans, le compagnon exigeant d’une aventure obstinée. Pas un mois ne se passait sans que nous nous parlions. Nous nous sommes retrouvés aux quatre coins du monde. Nous nous sommes retrouvés aussi sur les chemins de la pensée. Sergio était un lecteur infatigable, homme de culture et de philosophie. Il était aussi un aventurier de l’humanisme.
Beaucoup parmi vous s’en souviennent sans doute. Il y a presque 10 ans, il a prononcé ici, à Genève, une très belle conférence intitulée : « l’ONU face à l’irrationnel dans l’histoire ».
Dans cette conférence, Sergio essayait de faire partager son expérience d’homme de terrain et de poser quelques jalons pour l’avenir. Sa pensée, son expérience étaient celle d’un vrai humaniste, qui sait regarder les faits en face sans jamais s’incliner devant le fait accompli. Il disait : « Confronté à nombre des excès les plus choquants des trois dernières décennies, quelques interrogations ont surgi de façon récurrente, et parfois obsessive, et je souhaiterais partager aujourd’hui ces interrogations avec vous ».
Eh bien je voudrais rendre hommage à cette sincérité, et vous faire partager à mon tour quelques interrogations récurrentes, qui sont le fruit de quarante ans de lutte. Et je voudrais le faire dans le même esprit : tenter de poser des jalons pour l’avenir.
Où en sommes-nous, dix ans après cette conférence, de la préoccupation inlassable pour laquelle Sergio a finalement donné sa vie ? Qu’est-ce qui a changé ? Qu’avons-nous appris, et que devons-nous faire ?
***
Quelque chose n’a pas changé, et je voudrais commencer par là. Ce qui n’a pas changé, et qui ne changera pas, et qu’il faut regarder tous les jours avec des yeux neufs, pour lutter contre l’habitude qui endort, le cynisme qui guette, et le confort des cadres établis : c’est la fragilité de cette toute petite chose, de cette chose immense : la dignité humaine.
Ce qui n’a pas changé non plus, c’est la nécessité de protéger la dignité humaine contre l’instinct de mort à l’oeuvre dans l’histoire. Pourquoi ? Parce que le silence est insupportable. Parce que l’indifférence est insupportable. Parce qu’il faut appeler les choses par leur nom : un crime est un crime, le nombre n’y change rien. Parce que refuser de se taire, c’est déjà relever l’homme – un peu. L’humanité a certes engendré Guernica mais elle a aussi engendré Picasso.
Il y a une catégorie de crimes qui est longtemps passée inaperçue. Contre laquelle on n’a longtemps rien fait, et que l’on acceptait comme un « reste muet de la politique », comme disait Michel Foucaut. Ce sont les crimes de masse qui se parent des moyens et des justifications de l’Etat, ces crimes contre lesquels Sergio s’est dressé.
Toutes les justifications sont bonnes. L’irrationnel dans l’histoire est prêt à prendre toutes les formes. Il y a eu les crimes commis au nom de l’Eglise. Il y a eu l’Inquisition. Il a fallu des décennies pour que la conscience publique se réveille, par la voix de Voltaire, et fasse tomber l’Inquisition.
Mais il y a aussi les crimes commis au nom de l’Etat, et à l’ombre des protections dont les Etats s’entourent – ces protections lentement érigées par le droit international. Là encore, Sergio avait ses mots pour le dire. « Le droit international a érigé beaucoup de remparts efficaces autour des Etats, mais pas assez autour de la personne humaine ».
Lutter contre l’irrationnel dans l’histoire, c’est lutter contre ces crimes muets, contre ce silence lourd de dissimulation et de mensonge. C’est lutter contre l’idée selon laquelle l’Etat moderne est la raison dernière de l’histoire – parce que l’Etat moderne enveloppe aussi sa part d’irrationnel.
C’est tenter d’ériger un ordre pour canaliser la violence des Etats, comme les Etats canalisent, ou tentent de le faire, la violence des individus. C’est choisir de prolonger le mouvement de l’histoire – ne pas se réfugier derrière le rempart du fait, mais inventer le droit pour que l'humanité enfin se rassemble.
***
Mes chers amis, je ne sais pas si l’on mesure encore le chemin qu’il a fallu accomplir – et ce n’est pas fini ! L’ONU a d’abord été créée pour le maintien de la paix et de la sécurité internationales. Il a lui a fallu ouvrir les yeux sur d’autres violences, commises à l’intérieur des Etats, et dont les civils toujours paient le prix fort, et les réfugiés en particulier.
Dans le droit international, dans les consciences et dans la politique, c’est une révolution que ce changement qui allait des Etats vers les individus. C’est le même genre de révolution que celle qui a mis fin, en Europe au XVIIIème siècle, au silence qui entourait l’Inquisition.
Nous disposons maintenant d’un principe, adopté par consensus par les chefs d’Etat et de gouvernement, tous réunis à l’unanimité, lors du Sommet mondial des Nations-Unies en septembre 2005. Ce principe est celui de la responsabilité de protéger, que nous avons longtemps appelé devoir ou droit d’ingérence.
Il rappelle à chacun des Etats que sa responsabilité première – et je dirais : sa raison d’être – est de protéger sa population. Il reconnaît la possibilité de mener une action collective, au nom de la communauté internationale, pour protéger une population lorsque l’Etat qui en a la charge ne peut pas, ou ne veut pas, la protéger lui-même.
Essayons d’y voir clair : qu’est-ce qui distingue trois expressions qui se ressemblent – et que tout le monde ou presque confond : devoir d’ingérence, droit d’ingérence, responsabilité de protéger ?
Tout a commencé avec le devoir d’ingérence. Le devoir d’ingérence c’est une injonction, un impératif, un appel : une morale de l’extrême urgence, face aux mains qui se tendent et aux visages que déforme la douleur sans réponse. Il n’y a pas de droit pour les protéger. Une morale, d’abord, a invité ce droit.
Et le droit a suivi. C’est la deuxième étape : le droit d’ingérence – qui inscrit dans le droit le principe d’accès aux « victimes des catastrophes naturelles et des situations d’urgence du même ordre », et la possibilité d’utiliser la force pour accompagner les convois humanitaires.
Et puisque nous sommes à Genève, permettez-moi un souvenir. C’est ici, au château de Bellerive, en 1991, que nous avons conçu, avec le prince Aga Khan, avec Perez de Cuellar, Staffan de Mistura, et Jean-Maurice Ripert, le texte de la résolution 688 du Conseil de Sécurité, qui instituait, pour la première fois, le droit d’ingérence afin de protéger les Kurdes d’Irak.
La responsabilité de protéger enveloppe à la fois ce droit et ce devoir. Elle a une face tournée vers le devoir : pour chaque Etat, c’est un devoir de protéger sa population contre le génocide, les crimes de guerre, le nettoyage ethnique, les crimes contre l’humanité et bien d’autres, y compris les catastrophes naturelles et les épidémies. Et la communauté internationale a la charge, en dernier recours, de se substituer à l’Etat défaillant qui manque à ce devoir.
La responsabilité de protéger a aussi une face qui est tournée vers le droit : ce n’est pas seulement le droit d’accès aux victimes. C’est aussi la responsabilité pénale des individus qui se sont rendus coupables de crimes de guerre, de génocide, de nettoyage ethnique, et de crime contre l’humanité. Ceux-là seront appelés à répondre de leurs actes.
La responsabilité de protéger est une notion ambitieuse. C’est une avancée courageuse. Elle ne permet pas seulement d’intervenir au plus fort des crises. Elle rappelle aussi, solennellement, que les Etats ont des devoirs, qui sont des droits pour les populations. Il est remarquable que des représentants de tous les continents se soient accordés sur ce nouveau principe.
Nul n’a le droit de prendre sa population en otage. Nul n’a le droit de laisser mourir son peuple, alors qu’il est possible de le sauver – en ouvrant les portes aux personnels humanitaires. Fermer la porte aux personnels humanitaires : cela n’a rien à voir avec la souveraineté. C’est la souveraineté poussée jusqu’à l’absurde – qui se trahit elle-même !
Je crois que la question mérite d’être posée : la responsabilité s’arrête-t-elle aux situations de crimes de guerre, de crimes contre l’humanité, de génocide ?
Que faites-vous, lorsque la population civile est décimée par le choléra, que les moyens sont disponibles pour sauver ceux qui meurent, et que l’Etat ne fait rien, ne peut rien faire, ne veut rien faire – sinon fermer ses portes ? Je pose à nouveau la question : « faut-il les laisser mourir ? » Au nom de quoi ?
Que faites-vous lorsqu’un cyclone a tout ravagé, lorsqu’il y a des milliers de morts et de blessés, et qu’un gouvernement absurde dit : « non » à ceux qui veulent aider ? Quelle est la valeur de ce « non » ? Quelle force a-t-il, dans la bouche de ceux qui trahissent leur devoir ? Quelle force a-t-il, en face de l’impérieuse responsabilité de porter assistance ? Qu’est-ce qui nous arrête et qu’est-ce qui doit nous arrêter ? Il faut savoir ce que l’on veut.
Chers amis, chaque fois qu’un pays empêchera du personnel humanitaire de porter secours aux populations civiles, la France fera tout ce qui est en son pouvoir pour condamner l’action de ce pays. Elle fera tout ce qui est en son pouvoir pour que la Communauté internationale se rallie à cette cause avant qu’il ne soit trop tard.
On ne peut pas se réfugier derrière l’excuse de l’impuissance. Jamais les Etats n’ont disposé d’autant de moyens pour intervenir. Jamais il n’y a eu autant de volontaires, prêts à se rendre sur le terrain. Jamais les moyens logistiques n’ont été à ce point développés. Jamais l’information n’a été à ce point disponible.
Nous pouvons ne rien faire. Mais alors c’est un choix politique. Dans tous les cas, notre impuissance est sans excuse.
***
Depuis 2005, où en sommes-nous ? La déclaration de 2005 n’est pas une avancée sans suite. Elle n’est pas comme ces étoiles qui brillent d’autant mieux que la nuit les entoure. Le consensus a été renouvelé le 14 septembre 2009 par une Résolution de l’Assemblée générale des Nations Unies. C’est un signe encourageant de la constance de la communauté internationale.
Et plus récemment encore, le 11 novembre 2009, le Conseil de Sécurité a adopté à l’unanimité une résolution sur la « Protection des civils dans les conflits armés », dans laquelle il reconnaît sa responsabilité propre, au titre de la responsabilité de protéger. C’est la première fois, qu’une résolution fait le lien entre la responsabilité de protéger, et la nécessaire protection des civils dans les conflits armés.
Il est important que la protection des civils dans les conflits armés devienne une priorité de l’action des Nations Unies, et qu’elle soit pleinement intégrée au mandat des opérations de maintien de la paix. Mais il est important, aussi, que la protection des civils soit rattachée à la source dont elle découle : la responsabilité des Etats, de protéger leurs populations, et la responsabilité de la Communauté internationale, de protéger ceux que personne ne protège !
Chers amis, vous le voyez, je m’en réjouis : la responsabilité de protéger progresse dans les textes et fait, lentement, son chemin dans les esprits.
***
Je veux répondre tout de suite à ceux qui disent : « Ce n’est qu’un principe. Ce ne sont que des mots ». Non, ce n’est pas qu’un principe. Parce que le fait a précédé le droit. Les Nations-Unies sont d’abord intervenues sur le terrain, au Timor Oriental, en Albanie, au Sierra Leone, au Kosovo. Elles ont consacré ensuite la responsabilité de protéger.
Nous avons eu des résultats avant même que le principe soit posé et reconnu ! Un Etat – la République du Timor Oriental – est même né de l’ingérence, ce qui était improbable il y a dix ou quinze ans !
Et je pense, après le Kosovo et le Timor, après le Sierra Leone et l’Albanie, tous ces Etats où l’on retrouve non seulement la trace et la mémoire, mais surtout l’esprit de Sergio Vieira de Mello, que l’on peut gagner la partie si tous les conservatismes du monde ne reprennent pas le pouvoir en même temps. Une conscience universelle de notre responsabilité se forge peu à peu. Demain, les crimes d’Auschwitz et ceux des Khmers rouges seront plus difficiles à accomplir.
On n’a pas seulement une loi. On a aussi le juge qui permet de sanctionner. Le complément indispensable de la responsabilité de protéger, c’est la justice pénale internationale. L’une progressera de concert avec l’autre, ou ne progressera pas.
Il y avait eu le tribunal de Nuremberg. Et puis plus rien. Le silence des nations. A la fin des années 90, l’indignation humanitaire a réveillé la conscience publique. Elle a obtenu la création de tribunaux de l’ONU pour la Yougoslavie et pour le Rwanda. Elle a obtenu, surtout, la mise en place d’une Cour Pénale Internationale.
Ces juridictions existent par la volonté commune des nations qui entendent porter haut et fort la voix de la conscience publique. Ces juridictions ont été créées contre la volonté des gouvernants incriminés – pour des raisons d’ailleurs tout à fait opposées dans le cas du Rwanda et de l’ex-Yougoslavie. Tantôt on craignait que le Tribunal soit trop clément. Tantôt on lui reprochait une sévérité excessive. Et le débat continue.
Quel est le résultat ? Aujourd’hui le Rwanda, comme les pays de l’ex-Yougoslavie, se réjouissent de l’action entreprise par la justice internationale. La justice a parlé. Et c’est une condition essentielle au retour de la paix. On ne construit pas la paix sur l’injustice, sous prétexte que l’injustice est recouverte du linceul transparent du silence !
Mutilez, coupez, tranchez, volez, annexez, démembrez : vous créez la haine profonde. Vous indignez la conscience universelle. La vengeance couve. L’explosion sera en raison de l’oppression. Quelle est la seule manière d’éviter que la haine, à nouveau, n’explose ? C’est d’empêcher que l’impunité soit la règle !
La justice internationale a un prix, et une condition. C’est que le plus grand nombre d’Etats y participe. Plus les Etats seront nombreux, unis comme par une même pensée, plus ils auront de force pour faire valoir le droit. Les nations réunies ont un pouvoir qu’aucune nation ne peut avoir toute seule, même les plus grandes. Et ce pouvoir, c’est de porter la voix de la conscience humaine.
L’injustice fait son lit des divisions de la communauté internationale. Elle ne subsiste pas longtemps quand elle est privée de soutiens extérieurs, et qu’elle réunit contre elle l’unanimité.
Qu’est-ce qui a rendu possible les crimes de masse lors du délabrement de l’ex-Yougoslavie ? La désunion des pays européens ! Les pays européens n’ont rien pu faire, parce qu’ils étaient politiquement en désaccord sur la conduite à tenir. Qu’est-ce que la crise de Bosnie a démontré ? La nécessité d’une plus grande unité européenne et de la communauté internationale ! Et aujourd’hui, l’Union européenne a tiré les leçons de ces heures difficiles, elle soutient aussi activement la responsabilité de protéger, et travaille aux moyens de sa pleine mise en oeuvre.
***
Soyons lucides : il a fallu des années pour que la notion de responsabilité de protéger soit adoptée. Il faudra encore bien des efforts pour qu’elle soit appliquée de manière satisfaisante.
Nous sommes confrontés à un triple problème. Il y a un problème financier : les interventions coûtent cher. La question est sensible, surtout en temps de crise.
Il y a un problème militaire : la formation des troupes, et la rapidité avec laquelle on peut les mobiliser et les déployer.
Enfin et surtout, il y a un problème politique : rallier la volonté des Etats, de tous les Etats, et d’abord la volonté de tous les membres du Conseil de Sécurité.
Un énorme travail politique reste à faire. Certains Etats contestent, de plus en plus et je le regrette, l’avancée de 2005, pendant que d’autres contestent le recours aux institutions de l’ONU. Il faut les convaincre, et d’abord par l’exemple, et en prenant l’initiative chaque fois qu’une occasion se présente.
Lors de la crise Kenyane, nous ne pouvions courir le risque d’un nettoyage ethnique. Et nous ne pouvions pas non plus tolérer que le régime de Rangoun bloque l’aide humanitaire destinée aux populations civiles touchées par le cyclone Nargis.
J’ai pris position publiquement sur chacune de ces crises. D’autres membres du Conseil de Sécurité ont considéré qu’elles ne faisaient pas partie des cas d’application de la responsabilité de protéger.
Nous ne pourrons les convaincre que si nous comprenons les raisons profondes de leur réticence. Il faut le dire : le climat du monde a changé. Le problème ne concerne pas seulement la responsabilité de protéger. Il concerne, plus largement, l’adhésion au multilatéralisme, le renforcement de la coopération internationale et l’adhésion aux principes mêmes de l’ONU.
Sergio s’en inquiétait déjà. Il avait raison de dire : des progrès considérables ont été accomplis. Mais ils passent désormais inaperçus : nous les tenons pour acquis, et nous ne leur accordons plus l’importance qu’ils méritent. Nous sommes inconscients du prix de notre insousciance. Et cette inconscience, c’est le début du repli.
Que voyons-nous aujourd’hui ? Nous voyons des gouvernements qui s’accrochent à leur intérêt étroit – parce qu’ils n’ont pas compris que la vraie grandeur, la seule grandeur, l’immense victoire : c’est le compromis ! C’est d’être un peu moins sûr de soi mais pour aller plus loin – avec les autres.
Aucun problème d’envergure – je dis bien : aucun – ne pourra bientôt plus se résoudre de manière unilatérale ou bilatérale. C’est vrai pour la responsabilité de protéger. C’est vrai pour les questions climatiques. C’est vrai pour les questions financières. Continuer de croire que l’on peut jouer contre les autres, ou même sans les autres, c’est jouer contre soi !
Quel est le gouvernement du passé ? C’est celui qui se replie derrière les certitudes étroites de la souveraineté. Quel est le gouvernement de l’avenir ? C’est celui qui regarde l’aurore par delà l’horizon, c’est-à-dire l’intérêt collectif de l’humanité qui se lève.
Le vrai gouvernement n’est pas, et ne sera jamais, celui qui va en arrière. Il y a un abîme en effet. Il est derrière nous – dans les réflexes hérités du passé. Prenez garde aux pas en arrière !
Le multilatéralisme est un volontarisme. Il faut bien plus d’audace pour décider un compromis, que pour s’entêter dans l’égoïsme stérile ! Agir avec les autres ce n’est pas renoncer à sa volonté, c’est redoubler de volonté !
Sortons ces gouvernements de la myopie qui est la leur ! Il est temps de leur rappeler qu’il y a quelque chose au-dessus d’eux : la société qu’ils forment tous ensemble. C’est cela le message de Sergio Vieira de Mello ! Il est temps de leur faire remarquer qu’ils doivent s’unir parce qu’ils partagent les mêmes espoirs et les mêmes craintes.
***
Le repli n’est pas inéluctable. On trouve dans un texte admirable l’affirmation du principe suivant – je le cite : « Le droit de l’Union d’intervenir dans un Etat membre sur décision de la Conférence, dans certaines circonstances graves, à savoir : les crimes de guerre, le génocide et les crimes contre l’humanité ».
Savez-vous d’où vient cette phrase ? Savez-vous quel est ce texte ? S’agit-il d’une déclaration de l’Union Européenne ? S’agit-il d’une déclaration des Nations Unies ? S’agit-il d’une déclaration de l’OTAN ? Non ! Il s’agit de la Charte de l’Union africaine, article 4, alinéa H ! Et de quand date ce texte ? De juillet 2000, c’est-à-dire 5 ans avant la Déclaration du Sommet mondial de 2005 !
Qui peut dire, après cela, que la responsabilité de protéger est une cause uniquement occidentale, défendue par certains au profit de certains, et d’abord d’eux mêmes ?
La responsabilité de protéger est une cause universelle. Et que veut dire « universel » ? Cela veut dire que chacun peut se l’approprier. De cette cause, chacun peut faire sa cause – une cause dans laquelle il se reconnaît, une cause dont il est fier ! Pas seulement les Nations Unies, mais chaque groupement d’Etats, chaque organisation régionale.
L’Organisation Internationale de la Francophonie s’est prononcée à diverses reprises en faveur de la responsabilité de protéger – notamment dans sa déclaration de Ouagadougou, puis dans celle de Saint-Boniface le 14 mai 2006.
L’Union africaine a inscrit la responsabilité de protéger dans sa Charte. L’Union européenne la défend activement, sur tous les fronts. Elle a mis cette notion, et avec elle la prévention, au coeur de la « Stratégie européenne de sécurité ».
Je crois que c’est comme cela, aussi, que nous ferons avancer cette cause : à travers les organisations régionales qui, de plus en plus, de mieux en mieux, apportent un semblant de stabilité au monde.
***
Pour aller de l’avant, nous devons aussi agir au niveau de la conscience publique. C’est la conscience publique qui réveille les gouvernements, et qui les pousse à dépasser un certain égoïsme. C’est la conscience publique qui renverse les tyrans. Parce que les tyrans, qui n’ont pas d’âme, ne savent pas que les peuples en ont une !
Il y a un très beau texte de Victor Hugo qui dit cela – un texte qui préfigure exactement la responsabilité de protéger : « Il y a des heures où la conscience humaine prend la parole et donne aux gouvernements l’ordre de l’écouter ».
Qu’avons-nous le plus à craindre aujourd’hui ? Le déclin de l’indignation et l’affaiblissement de la conscience publique. A quoi devons apporter tous nos soins ? Fortifier, éclairer, développer la conscience publique.
Car aujourd’hui l’indignation décline. Chose pire, elle s’organise. Elle s’exerce à heure fixe et à sens unique. Nos protestataires sont parfois devenus hémiplégiques. Ils choisissent parmi les victimes et décrètent que les unes sont attendrissantes tandis que les autres sont obscènes.
Pendant un temps, les images ont porté l’indignation du monde. Pendant un temps on a pu dire : le meilleur ennemi de l’oppression, c’est la photographie. Ce n’est plus vrai. Les massacres perpétrés en Guinée Conakry, en septembre dernier, n’ont pas ému – ou peu, ou pas assez – l’opinion publique. C’est aux gouvernements qu’il est revenu de lutter contre la banalisation.
On pourvoit à l’éclairage des villes. Quand donc comprendra-t-on que la nuit peut se faire aussi dans la conscience publique, et qu’il faut allumer des flambeaux pour les esprits ? Nous devons déjouer les illusions trompeuses des idéologies nouvelles – qui sont nées précisément de l’effondrement des idéologies.
Un piège nous est tendu. Ne tombons pas dans ce piège ! Un piège nous est tendu par tous ceux qui, pour préserver leurs intérêts et pour cacher leurs fautes, se cachent derrière l’étendard de la diversité.
Un piège nous est tendu par tous ceux qui, pour échapper à leurs responsabilités, essaient d’instiller chez les défenseurs des droits de l’homme le doute et la mauvaise conscience.
Un piège nous est tendu par tous ceux qui prétendent se battre pour défendre leur culture, alors qu’en vérité ils utilisent la culture comme une arme de guerre – ce qui est détruire l’idée même de culture !
Chers amis, la responsabilité de protéger avancera dans les faits si elle avance dans les esprits. Nous devons retrouver le sens de l’humanisme véritable : ne pas fuir dans l’horizon désabusé du mieux qui est l’ennemi du bien, chercher la voie étroite entre l’idéal sans action et l’action sans idéal.
Nous avons besoin d’une conscience publique plus forte. C’est notre responsabilité à tous. Nous avons besoin que des Etats plus nombreux viennent la relayer. C’est l’engagement de la France.
***
L’humanitaire n’est pas seulement un humanisme. C’est un style d’action, une quête de cohérence, qui lentement transforme le monde. Cette quête ne connaît pas de fin, pas de repos, pas de répit. L’âge ne doit pas l’amoindrir. L’histoire ne se stabilise pas, ni dans le bonheur, ni dans le malheur des peuples.
Je pense à tous ceux qui ont cru qu’aucun drame n’était hors de portée de leur indignation. Je pense à ceux qui se sont dévoués au point d’en perdre la vie. Je pense à tous ceux qui partagent cette devise, chantée par Léonard Cohen et que je fais mienne : « On m’a dit : résigne-toi. Je n’ai pas pu ».

Fonte,http://www.sergiovdmfoundation.org/wcms/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=104%3Abernard-kouchner&catid=46%3Athe-annual-lecture&Itemid=157&lang=en, consultado a 1 de Abril de 2010

A new practical guide to human rights education

2009-10-07T01:01:00.003+01:00

A new practical tool to promote human rights education is now available. The new tool, which collects 101 exemplary practices from Central Asia, Europe and North America, is a valuable resource for teachers and education policymakers.
Among the good practices featured in the collection is “Build Bridges, Not Walls”, a Norwegian publication with 97 exercises on human rights, multicultural understanding and peaceful conflict resolution. The exercises, designed for non-formal learning settings such as those involving refugees and immigrants, are already in use in Norway, South-Eastern Europe and Eastern Europe, including conflict areas.
Human rights education is vital for all our societies. “It promotes equality, empowerment and participation as well as conflict prevention and resolution. In brief, it is a means to develop societies where the human rights of all are respected, protected and fulfilled,” said the heads of the four partner organizations in their joint foreword to the collection.
The collection, entitled “Human Rights Education in the School Systems of Europe, Central Asia and North America: A Compendium of Good Practice” , is a joint publication by the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR), the Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights of the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE/ODIHR), the Council of Europe (CoE), and the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO).
Designed for primary and secondary schools, teacher training institutions and other learning settings, the this tool collects good practices of human rights education, education for democratic citizenship, and education for mutual respect and understanding.
It provides resource materials relevant to key elements for successful human rights education, including 1) laws, guidelines and standards; 2) learning environment; 3) teaching and learning tools; 4) professional development for educators, and 5) evaluation.
The collection demonstrates creative approaches to human rights education and aims to facilitate networking and exchange of experience among education professionals. The practices can be adapted to local conditions anywhere in the world.
Launched on 2 October in Warsaw, Poland, the collection contributes to the national implementation of the World Programme for Human Rights Education, a global initiative of the UN General Assembly .
2 October 2009
Fonte,http://www.ohchr.org/EN/NewsEvents/Pages/HRsEducationBook.aspx, consultado a 7 de Outubro de 2009.

World Humanitarian Day 2009 - Geneva

2009-10-06T21:54:00.019+01:00

Album: World Humanitarian Day 2009 - Geneva

Link, http://www.sergiovdmfoundation.org/wcms/index.php?option=com_anotherpicasa&view=album&Itemid=190&lang=en

Journée mondiale de l’aide humanitaire

2009-09-12T01:29:00.026+01:00

(...) A partir de 2010, la Fondation Sergio Vieira de Mello prévoit d’honorer la mémoire et la contribution de M. Sergio Vieira de Mello en lançant un Prix annuel, en son nom, qui sera décerné aux individus, institutions ou communautés en reconnaissance d’actions exceptionnelles entreprises dans le but de réconcilier de façon pacifique les peuples et les parties en conflit. Dès 2010, les lauréat(s) seront annoncé(s) lors de la Journée mondiale de l'aide humanitaire. (...)
Fonte,http://www.un.org/fr/events/humanitarianday/2009/qna.shtml, consultado a 12 de Setembro de 2009

Tribute paid to humanitarian workers

2009-08-27T22:01:00.029+01:00

25 August 2009 / 10:32
[Dateline: New York Authors: iSeek]
UN staff around the world observed the first-ever World Humanitarian Day on Wednesday, 19 August, paying tribute to the colleagues lost in the line of duty, as well as those who undertake humanitarian work for the United Nations and its partners in many difficult places around the world.The day’s events were spearheaded by the Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA).
Established last December by the General Assembly ( A/RES/63/139 ) , the date was chosen to mark the date of the 2003 bombing of the Canal Hotel in Baghdad which killed 22 staff members, including the top United Nations envoy in Iraq, Sergio Vieira de Mello, and wounded more than 150.
Organizers of World Humanitarian Day hope the annual celebration will increase public understanding of humanitarian assistance world wide as well as honoring humanitarian workers who have lost their lives or been injured in the course of their work.
SG message for the day
New York
The Secretary-General attended two related events on Wednesday morning – a somber wreath-laying ceremony to honor those killed in Baghdad six years ago and the launch of an exhibition of posters and photographs capturing images of humanitarian workers in action.In his remarks, the SG said “Each year on August 19th, we will honour the memory of fallen humanitarians. We will pay tribute to the dedicated men and women who are out there among the vulnerable, providing hope and help. And we will draw the world's attention to the great magnitude of suffering in our world that needs our urgent attention.”
He added, “For my part, I pledge to do all that I can as Secretary-General of the United Nations to help victims while protecting the security and independence of the people who work so hard to save them”( full remarks ). Joining Mr. Ban at the Headquarters ceremony was Assistant Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs Catherine Bragg who noted that aid workers are working in ever more dangerous conditions.
“The last two years have been successively the most deadly for aid workers on record,” she stated. “Too often, UN and NGO flags and emblems are no longer protections but provocations.”
Geneva
Considered by many to be the humanitarian capital of the world, an inter-agency event took place in Geneva’s Parc des Bastions which included participation from Swiss and Geneva authorities as well as the various agencies working in the humanitarian field.
In his remarks, Director-General Sergei A. Ordzhonikidze highlighted the sad figures from last year stating that “a record of 260 humanitarian aid workers from different agencies and charities were victims of kidnappings and attacks, including 122 who were killed.”
Also speaking was Mrs. Annie Vieira de Mello, widow of Sergio Vieira de Mello, who spoke about the foundation which has been set up in her late husband’s memory.
The event also included wide range of music from different parts of the world and some fine culinary tastes from Senegal and, of course, Brazil.
Other events
A number of events were held in various UN offices around the world including Chad, Democratic Republic of Congo, Dubai, Ethiopia, Fiji, Indonesia, Iraq, Kenya, Myanmar, Nepal, New Zealand, the occupied Palestinian territories, Somalia, Sri Lanka, Thailand and Zimbabwe.
Staff from the UN Information Centres in Beirut and Warsaw were particularly instrumental in getting the word out about the day in Arabic, French and Polish by participating in several radio interviews and generating a high-level of traditional and online media coverage.
The following is a short overview of some of these events.
Democratic Republic of the Congo
In the Democratic Republic of the Congo a two-hour event was organized with some 200 guests from the press, the government, humanitarian partners, donors and NGOs, followed by live broadcasting in collaboration with Radio Okapi , the UN peacekeeping mission’s radio.
Kenya
Activities organized by OCHA in Kenya focused on “the Human Face of Drought” and included an IRIN (Integrated Regional Information Networks) photo essay on drought and the dissemination of posters on this theme.
Nepal
OCHA’s ceremony in Nepal featured screenings of films on humanitarian action in the country, a musical interlude and personal tributes to humanitarian workers by colleagues, in the presence of government officials.
Pakistan
In Pakistan, the UN Information Centre in Islamabad held discussion forum with the heads of national and international print and electronic media in advance of the day on 6 August with Humanitarian Coordinator Wolfgang Herbinge and communication specialists from OCHA, the World Food Programme and UNICEF which resulted in a high-level of interest from the media in the country.
Also appreciated was the UNIC’s translation of material into one of the local languages, Urdu.
Awards for best print and broadcast media on the humanitarian crisis in Pakistan were announced. The honorary award will be given out on UN Day in October.
Sudan
OCHA’s office in Sudan launched a joint UN/NGO online photo exhibition depicting humanitarian, early recovery, recovery and development work while local TV stations also broadcasts a public service announcement.
Tanzania
The UN System in Tanzania’s observance was coordinated by UNIC Dar es Salaam and held at the UN compound under the leadership of Acting UN Resident Coordinator, Mr Ronald Sibanda.
During the event, UN flag was hoisted followed by a minute of silence observed by government representatives, members of the media and staff in attendance.

Link,http://www.un.int/wcm/content/site/portal/cache/offonce/home/pid/10617;jsessionid=13149E379C11D6D24FBC37B1DEB26FC4, consultado a 26 de Agosto de 2009

Mensagem do Secretário-Geral das Nações Unidas, Ban Ki-moon, por ocasião do Dia Mundial da Ação Humanitária, 19 de Agosto de 2009

2009-08-26T15:03:00.016+01:00

Hoje é o primeiro Dia Mundial da Ação Humanitária, proclamado pela Assembléia Geral das Nações Unidas.
Ele representa, acima de tudo, o dia no qual renovamos nosso compromisso em ajudar pessoas vulneráveis e marginalizadas onde quer que elas estejam. Essa é a principal missão da comunidade humanitária.
Esse também é o dia no qual prestamos homenagens às legiões de heróicos trabalhadores humanitários. Esses homens e mulheres têm diferentes origens, mas compartilham a mesma convicção: o sofrimento de uma pessoa é responsabilidade de todos.
A data dessa homenagem anual lembra o dia do ataque à sede das Nações Unidas em Bagdá, que matou 22 pessoas dedicadas ao trabalho, incluindo o grande humanitário Sérgio Vieira de Mello.
“Continuamos inspirados pelo legado que eles deixaram e permanecemos determinados a levá-lo adiante. A Fundação Sérgio Vieira de Mello está fazendo o mesmo ao organizar o prêmio anual que leva o nome do brasileiro, com o objetivo de reconhecer notáveis conquistas na área de resolução pacífica de conflitos.”
Como Sérgio e outros bravos colegas que perderam suas vidas nesse terrível dia, equipes humanitárias se dirigem a regiões de risco para ajudar os outros. Para essas pessoas, não existe conflito esquecido.
Mas para realizar esse nobre trabalho – enfrentando ameaças em meio a desastres e guerras – eles precisam da nossa ajuda. Essas pessoas precisam que trabalhemos sem descanso por sua segurança e independência.
O Dia Mundial da Ação Humanitária foi criado para ampliar o foco sobre as pessoas em risco, para garantir que elas recebam a assistência que merecem. Espero que possamos redobrar nossos esforços para alcançar essa meta. E que cumpramos nosso dever humanitário. Link,http://www.brasilia.unesco.org/noticias/opiniao/artigooutros/mensagem-do-secretario-geral-das-nacoes-unidas-ban-ki-moon-por-ocasiao-do-dia-mundialda-acao-humanitaria-19-de-agosto-de-2009, consultado a 26 de Agosto de 2009.

WORLD HUMANITARIAN DAY

2009-08-26T13:56:00.105+01:00

UN SECRETARY-GENERAL'S MESSAGE

"I pledge to do all that I can as Secretary-General of United Nations to help victims while protecting the security and independence of those who work so hard to save them". Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon’s remarks on first World Humanitarian Day, 19 August 2009

Annie Vieira De Mello, Vice Chairwoman of the Sergio Vieira de Mello Foundation, addresses a commemorative event on the first World Humanitarian Day

Annie Vieira de Mello, widow of Sergio Vieira de Mello and Vice Chairwoman of the Sergio Vieira de Mello Foundation, addresses a commemorative event on the first World Humanitarian Day. Location: Geneva, Switzerland Date: 19 August 2009. UN Photo/Jean-Marc Ferre
Link,http://www.unmultimedia.org/photo/detail/406/0406892.html, consultado a 26 de Agosto de 2009

Annie Vieira de Mello pede protecção para os trabalhadores humanitários
A jornalista Andreia Brito falou ao telefone com Annie Vieira de Mello
(...) Na véspera do Dia Mundial Humanitário, a jornalista Andreia Brito falou ao telefone com a mulher de Sergio Vieira de Mello, Annie Vieira de Mello, que pede às populações e aos Governos para que actuem para proteger os voluntários.
2009-08-18 17:48:05
Link,http://tv1.rtp.pt/noticias/?headline=46&visual=9&tm=7&t=Mulher-de-Sergio-Vieira-de-Mello-pede-proteccao-para-os-trabalhadores-humanitarios.rtp&article=272093, consultado a 26 de Agosto de 2009.

High Commissioner for Refugees Addresses World Humanitarian António Guterres
António Guterres, United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees, addresses a commemorative event on the first World Humanitarian Day. Location: Geneva, Switzerland Date: 19 August 2009. UN Photo/Jean-Marc Ferre.

Link,http://www.unmultimedia.org/photo/detail/406/0406893.html , consultado a 26 de Agosto de 2009

Unsung Heroes of the Battlefields

2009-08-26T13:48:00.029+01:00

By Laurent Vieira de Mello, president of the Sergio Vieira de Mello Foundation.
The Washington Post
Wednesday, August 19, 2009

Six years ago today, my father, Sergio Vieira de Mello, was killed in a tragic attack in Baghdad that changed the face of the humanitarian world. A truck filled with bombs exploded in the United Nations compound, killing 22 humanitarian workers and wounding many more. Some who were not physically hurt were psychologically wounded. Even years later, many remain vulnerable.

My father headed the U.N. team in Baghdad. A few days before he was killed, he wrote: "The situation is indeed difficult. But we will succeed, because we will do it with the Iraqi people."

His dedication to serving people in need is shared by thousands of humanitarian workers around the world who sacrifice their time, their energy and, too often, their lives to help those in need in places where wars kill and maim and throw innocent victims into refugee camps or exile. Darfur, Chad, the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Uganda are just a few of these areas.

In recognition of their commitment, my family sought to have Aug. 19 -- the date my father and his fellow workers died while helping destitute people -- designated as World Humanitarian Day. After discussions with our foundation, Brazil, France, Japan, Sweden and Switzerland sponsored a U.N. resolution that was adopted by the General Assembly on Dec. 11, 2008. So for the first time, today is officially an occasion to reflect on the situation for humanitarians deployed in the field.

Sadly, already poor conditions for humanitarian workers in many places are deteriorating. Since 2006, attacks on aid workers have increased sharply, the Overseas Development Institute reports. The Darfur region in Sudan, Afghanistan and Somalia are the most dangerous places, accounting for more than 60 percent of violence against aid workers.

Last year was the worst in 12 years, with 260 humanitarian aid workers killed, kidnapped or seriously injured in violent attacks, according to the institute. This toll exceeds the number of victims among U.N. peacekeeping troops.

The Baghdad bomb attack that killed my father dramatically underscored a fact that humanitarian workers had dealt with since the early 1990s: The U.N. flag had ceased to be bulletproof. It no longer protected U.N. humanitarian workers as well as the staffs of nongovernmental organizations.

Before the 1990s, most wars in the developed world were proxy wars. There was a kind of tacit gentleman's agreement whereby superpowers respected as much as possible the rights and the work of humanitarian personnel.

Now, this did not prevent the deaths of many humanitarians. But most casualties were those who happened to be at the wrong place at the wrong time, caught in the crossfire. Rarely were aid workers targeted.

The situation, though, has changed dramatically. With the rise of nationalism since the fall of communism and the end of the proxy wars, humanitarian workers no longer benefit from protection, flimsy as it may have been before. Victims nowadays are often targeted.

We're talking about the people who are serving on the front line for those of us who weep when we see children on TV crying beside mothers who have been killed by mortar fire -- and believe that something must be done to help these victims and others like them.

Humanitarian workers are the unsung heroes of our time. They are not recognized as such. Yet consider their efforts, seeking to persuade warlords to let them help innocent civilians who are facing heat, cold, disease and other threats.

They never have the money and staff to fully respond to demands. They get up every morning knowing the enormousness of the task ahead of them, carrying on despite the gnawing feeling that whatever they attempt will always be a drop in the ocean. They can help, their efforts can and do save lives, but these workers are aware that their actions amount to little more than a Band-Aid on some of the world's worst problems.

The reality of their tasks would make any of us despair. Not them.

As a humanitarian worker once told me: "We have no right to despair when we see that people who have lost everything, even their family, still have hope."

It is high time for the international community to face its responsibilities and stop hiding behind humanitarian action. The world must stop using humanitarian efforts as a fig leaf. It can no longer avoid action while putting its conscience at rest by sending humanitarian actors into the killing fields. There are lives at risk.

And on this day, because of their courage, dedication, generosity and humility, humanitarian workers deserve our respect. We should not only praise their work but also remind the world that we must protect them, that we must impress on warlords that if they have any humanity left, they should protect and assist these workers. We must remind the world that humanitarian workers are neutral and help those in need, whatever their color, race, religion or political beliefs. They deserve our efforts and our thanks.

Link,http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2009/08/18/AR2009081802908.html?nav=rss_opinion/columns&sid=ST2009081802974, consultado a 26 de Agosto de 2009

International Migrants Day, 18 December

2008-12-19T01:30:00.009Z

dPress release
18 December 2008

The 9th International Migrants Day coincides with the 60th anniversary of the adoption of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR). Many UDHR provisions vividly relate to some of the threats – racism, xenophobia, labour and sexual exploitation, arbitrary detention and other injustices- and hopes – freedom of movement, right to work, to education, to live in dignity - experienced by millions of women, men and children and demonstrate that migrants rights are human rights. This year also marks the 5th year of the entry into force of the International Convention on the Protection of the Rights of All Migrant Workers and Members of their Families. The decades-long gap in the adoption of a treaty and other human rights tools for the protection of migrant workers is about to have particularly dire consequences. For scores of migrants, the world financial crisis will expose their existing vulnerability to stronger hardship and exploitation. It will also result in diminished remittances to those left behind in their home countries. Ironically, while migrants have often been the invisible architects of many striving economies and least benefited from financial investment and related wealth generating products, they will be amongst the worst hit. It is thus essential that civil society actively monitors respect for the Convention, engages with the UN Committee on Migrant Workers and renews the call for universal ratification. But, the fact that major countries of destination did not ratify this convention does not mean that they should not / and cannot be held accountable. Other international instruments do apply to migrant workers and it is up to migrants’ organisations, civil society and the international community to make use of them. (See December 18’s newest publication, “the Samizdat”.) More than ever, International Migration Day (IMD) is an occasion for international solidarity and for making migrants voices heard. December 18 gives a platform to these testimonies via Radio 1812, a global event that brings together a wide range of radio stations that broadcast special programmes on the occasion of IMD. This unique radio marathon enables migrants’ voices to be heard, not only on community-based radio stations but also on large public broadcasts and via our dedicated website. More than 100 radio stations from over 35 countries will participate in this year’s event. December 18 believes that it is wrong to deal with migration as a security issue only. Many governments want to stay out of the limelight and orchestrate policy discussions, for instance within the Global Forum on Migration and Development conveyed outside of the United Nations thereby excluding civil society from the process. Civil society, including NGOs and migrant organisations often are the sole actors delivering assistance and advice to migrants in countries of origin, transit and arrival. Their unique experience would greatly enrich analyses and solutions oriented discussions respectful of a human rights framework. However, the UDHR and other human rights norms and standards evolved since then and have slowly been integrated in some international, regional and national government responses to migration, including, albeit timidly, in some migration management initiatives. More than ever, civil society, migrant and human rights organisations will need to remind governments of their commitments and highlight the relevance of the Preamble of the UDHR which declares that: “[…] recognition of the inherent dignity and of the equal and inalienable rights of all members of the human family is the foundation of freedom, justice and peace in the world, […] disregard and contempt for human rights have resulted in barbarous acts which have outraged the conscience of mankind, and the advent of a world in which human beings shall enjoy freedom of speech and belief and freedom from fear and want has been proclaimed as the highest aspiration of the common people, […] it is essential, if man is not to be compelled to have recourse, as a last resort, to rebellion against tyranny and oppression, that human rights should be protected by the rule of law, […] it is essential to promote the development of friendly relations between nations.” December continues to work for the respect of the human dignity and the fundamental human rights of all migrant workers and their families.-->
Learn more about International Migrants Day.

Link,http://www.hrea.org/index.php?base_id=2&language_id=1&headline_id=8409, consultado a 18 de Dezembro de 2008.

World Humanitarian Day : 19th August

2008-12-16T00:29:00.010Z

"We should never forget all the victims, not only in Baghdad and Algiers, who have given their lives for the United Nations," Annie Vieira de Mello, Aug 19, 2008, Reuters.

The General Assembly designates 19th August as World Humanitarian Day / Sergio Vieira de Mello Foundation

General AssemblyGA/10798 / 11 December 2008

OCHA News Centre
12 December 2008

The General Assembly decided today to designate 19 August as World Humanitarian Day. The resolution adopted by consensus and sponsored by Sweden reaffirms the United Nations’ unique role in humanitarian emergencies. It calls for increased public awareness about humanitarian assistance activities worldwide and the importance of international cooperation in this regard. It also pays tribute to all humanitarian and United Nations and associated personnel who have worked in the promotion of the humanitarian cause and those who have lost their lives in the cause of duty.
Adopting another resolution by consensus, the General Assembly expressed deep concern that, over the past decade, threats and attacks against the safety and security of humanitarian personnel and United Nations and associated personnel have escalated dramatically and that perpetrators of acts of violence seemingly operate with impunity. In the resolution sponsored by France on behalf of the European Union, the General Assembly also emphasized the need to pay particular attention to the safety and security of locally recruited humanitarian personnel, who are particularly vulnerable to attacks and who account for the majority of casualties and cases of harassment.
Read the General Assembly coverage

Link,http://ochaonline.un.org/News/tabid/1080/Default.aspx, consultado a 15 de Dezembro de 2008.

The People’s Movement for Human Rights Educación (PDHRE) | Movimiento de los Pueblos para la Educación en Derechos Humanos

2008-12-13T01:33:00.011Z

español
in English

A Brief Introduction To Our Thinking
More than any other moral language available at this time in history, the language of human rights is able to expose "the immorality and ...barbarism of the modern face of power... We cannot take rights seriously without taking suffering seriously..." (- Upendra Baxi, Human Rights and Inhuman Wrongs) Poverty, warfare, environmental degradation, the deleterious effects of globalization, discrimination, disease, illiteracy, and labor exploitation are just some of the threats bearing down on our right to be human — to live in security and dignity.Yet, every one of the horrors and threats confronting humanity today could be fought on the grounds of its being in violation of the human rights declared in the Universal Declaration of 1948. The rights set down in this and other international covenants, declarations, and conventions create a space from which a multitude of struggles to improve the welfare of individuals and communities around the world can spring.We therefore seek to provide a framework for serious global debate among groups working for social and economic justice, and their constituencies, who may not yet have identified their experiences and goals with the rights stated in international human rights documents and the enunciations of the major UN-sponsored world conferences. We also seek to engage human rights-identified organizations in the just and balanced promotion of economic, social, and cultural rights along with civil and political rights. (...).

Link,http://www.pdhre.org/about.html

, consultado a 13 de Dezembro de 2008.

Manual "Understanding Human Rights"

2008-12-13T00:30:00.013Z

The manual "Understanding Human Rights" has been translated to many languages, which we would like to present here. Please note that all translations published before 2007 were based on the first and original edition of the English version, published in May 2003. (...).

Link,http://www.etc-graz.at/typo3/index.php?id=16, consultado a 12 de Dezembro de 2008.

60th Anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights

2008-12-10T02:10:00.035Z

International Human Rights Day

10 December 2008

"This year's International Human Rights Day is of special significance as it marks the 60th anniversary celebrations of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, which represented the first step in establishing a comprehensive international framework for the protection of human rights. Today the Universal Declaration is one of the fundamental texts establishing respect for human rights as a guiding principle in international relations. The year 2008 also witnesses the 15th anniversary of the Vienna Declaration and Programme of Action proclaimed by the Vienna World Conference on Human Rights as well as the 10th anniversary of the adoption by the UN General Assembly of the Declaration on Human Rights Defenders.

President José Manuel Barroso declared: “I am always struck by the truly revolutionary nature of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, which courageously stated in the immediate aftermath of the Second World War that “inherent dignity” and “the equal and inalienable rights of all members of the human family” were the foundations of freedom, justice and peace. Sixty years on and against the background of the continuing critical human rights situation in many countries, the Declaration remains as pertinent as ever.”

Commissioner for External Relations and Neighbourhood Policy Benita Ferrero-Waldner said: “Sixty years after the proclamation of the Universal Declaration it is widely accepted as part of customary international law – testimony to the genuinely universal nature of the rights it enshrines. But much more still needs to be done to make every citizen – women and men –aware of the impact of this declaration, so that its full potential as an empowerment tool for human rights defenders and promoters of human security around the globe will be enforced.Today’s celebrations belong to all men and women who dedicate their lives to defending and upholding human rights worldwide I strongly affirm that the European Union continues to be on their side and is fully determined to contribute to promoting and protecting human rights as an integral part of its external policies”.

Vice-President Jacques Barrot added: “Behind the European project there is a joint endeavour to the strengthening of pluralism, non-discrimination, tolerance, justice, solidarity and equality between women and men in our societies. The EU is not complacent with its own human rights record. The protection of human rights requires a constant effort to extend and update our legislative and policy initiatives in areas such as the fight against racism, xenophobia and all types of discrimination. This is our contribution to implementing every day the Declaration. ”

Background:
Human rights lie at the heart of the EU’s external relations and development policy, as it is underlined by the engagement of the EU in a worldwide campaign against the death penalty, by the key role played by the EU in the fight against torture as well as by the promotion of universality of the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court.
Within the framework of the EU’s human rights policy in third countries, the Commission is committed to advancing the situation of human rights worldwide through various tools, such as participation in EU human rights dialogues and consultations as well as in political dialogues with the authorities of third countries at different levels. Moreover, Commission Delegations regularly report on the human rights situation in third countries. Finally, through the European Instrument on Democracy and Human Rights - EIDHR , the Commission funds NGOs worldwide working to promote human rights, in areas such as the fight against the death penalty, torture, the support to human rights defenders and to grassroots organisations.
The European Commission fully supports the campaign launched by the UN Secretary-General in the framework of the 60th anniversary of the Universal Declaration under the theme “Dignity and Justice for All of Us”. In this context, in cooperation with the UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights and the UN Regional Information Office for Western Europe, the Commission supported the production of 22 short movies on human rights directed by well known film-makers from different regions of the world. The screening of these films is part of the European Union’s official ceremonies organised by the French Presidency taking place in Paris on 10 December, but also of a number of cultural and raising awareness events promoted locally by Delegations of the European Commission in third countries. As a further initiative to commemorate the 60th anniversary, the European Commission, the European Parliament and the United Nations organised in Brussels on 7-8 October 2008 the international conference“60th Years of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights: The Defenders take the Floor”. "

Fonte: The EU's Human rights & Democratisation Policy:
http://ec.europa.eu/external_relations/human_rights/intro/index.htm

Link,http://europa.eu/rapid/pressReleasesAction.do?reference=IP/08/1912&format=HTML&aged=0&language=EN&guiLanguage=en , consultado a 9 de Dezembro de 2008.

7th CADTM INTERNATIONAL SEMINAR ’DEBT AND HUMAN RIGHTS

2008-11-25T02:07:00.004Z

DEBT AND HUMAN RIGHTS60th anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948) 22th anniversary of the Declaration on the Right to Development (1986)
On 4th and 5th December 2008 - Belgian Senate (21 rue de Louvain)- Brussels
Español Français

Thursday 4 December
9.30 – 12.30 : Introduction, Olga Zrihen (Senator) and Eric Toussaint (CADTM Belgium)
Universal Declaration of Human Rights, and Declaration on the Right to Development, Assassment and perspectives, Julie Duchatel (CETIM-Geneva) and Benoît Van Der Meerschen (Ligue belge des droits de l’Homme and IFHR) With and interruption between 10.45 and 11.15
12.30- 13.15 : Lunch
13.15 – 14.45 : two panels The rights of human beings and of nature vs environmental debt , Fernando Lopez (CADTM Ecuador) and Victor Nzuzi (NAD/CADTM Kinshasa)The States’ right and duty to develop development policies: restore public control on natural resources, Luc Mukendi (CADTM Lubumbashi), Rock Nianga (CADTM/APASH Brazzaville) and Ibrahim Yacouba (RNDD Niger)
14.45- 15.15 : Interruption
15.15 – 16.45 : 2 panels
Privatisation and adjustment, a violation of the right to food and to clean water, a representative of Via Campesina and Olivier De Schutter (UN Special Rapporteur on the right to food)
Women’s rights and WLM vs Washington Consensus, Denise Comanne (CADTM Belgium), Maria-Rosa Anchundia (Red de Mujeres Transformando la Economía - REMTE - and former member of the commission auditing Ecuador’s debt –CAIC)
16.45- 17.00: Conclusion of the first day

Friday 5 December
9.30-9.45 : Introduction to the second day
9.45-11.00 : 2 panels
The rights to free circulation and establishment vs the EU migration policies, France Arets (CRACPE), Selma Benkelifa (solicitor for Progress Law)
Indivisibility of human rights – presentation of a new way of filing a lawsuit, Florence Kroff (solicitor with FIAN Belgium) and Monique Weyl (solicitor with AIJD, Paris)
11.00- 11.30 :Interruption
11.00- 12.45 :International financial Institutions and human rights, debate between Eric Toussaint (CADTM Belgium) and a representative of the World Bank or of the IMF
12.45- 13.30 : Lunch
13.30- 15.30: What legal instruments can be used to enforce human rights ?
The States’ rights and obligations to their populations, Hugo Ruiz Diaz (lawyer, Paraguay), Ramiro Chimuris (solicitor, Uruguay)
Peoples’ actions, Emilie Atchaka ( CADD Bénin)
Historic trial of corporations for their support to the apartheid regime in South Africa, Charles Abrahams (solicitor, South Africa)
The need to file a suit against the WB, Yann Queinnec, (lawyer with Sherpa, Paris))
15H30 à 16H00 : Interruption
16h00-16h30 : Synthesis and conclusion of the seminar, Claude Quemar (CADTM France)
Fonte: http://www.cadtm.org
Link,http://www.cadtm.org/spip.php?article3816 , consultado a 25 de Novembro de 2008.

Contact and registration (before 26 November, limited number of seats) :Cécile Lamarque cecile@cadtm.org +32 484995381Audrey Dye dye.audrey@hotmail.com + 32 487 414083 Free of cost for people from countries of the South; 8€/day for participants from the North; half price for small income). Meals, refreshments and translation included. Payable by bank credit transfert to Account no. 001-2318343-22 (or from France by cheque payable to the CADTM)

Journée Internationale des droits de l’enfant

2008-11-20T00:01:00.007Z

English

20 novembre 2008 -- C'est la journée internationale de l'enfant. En 1954, l'Assemblée Générale des Nations Unies a passé la résolution 836 (IX) recommandant que tous les pays instaurent une journée nationale de l’enfant, journée visant à une meilleure compréhension entre les enfants et à des activités de promotion du bien-être des enfants du monde. Le 20 novembre est la date anniversaire de la signature par l’Assemblée Générale de la Déclaration Universelle des Droits de l’Enfant, en 1959, et de la Convention Internationale des Droits de l'Enfant, en 1989.
L’année 2008 marque le 19ème anniversaire de la journée internationale de l’enfant. La Convention Internationale des Droits de l’Enfant (CIDE) est l’accord sur les droits humains le plus largement ratifié à travers le monde. A ce jour, 193 états ont ratifié la CIDE. Seulement deux pays dans le monde (la Somalie et les Etats-Unis) n’ont pas encore donné à la CIDE de poids légal, bien qu’ils l’aient tous deux signé.
Malgré ce consensus mondial sur l’importance de nos enfants, sur plus ou moins 11 millions de décès infantiles chaque année, 70% ont des causes qui pourraient être évitées : diarrhées, malaria, infection néo-natales, pneumonie, accouchement prématuré, ou manque d’oxygène à la naissance. Ces décès ont principalement lieu dans les pays en développement. Un enfant éthiopien a 30 fois plus de chance de mourir avant ses 5 ans qu’un enfant né en Europe de l’Ouest. L’Asie centrale du sud a le plus grand nombre de mort de nouveau-nés, alors que l’Afrique sub-saharienne a le plus fort taux.
L’épidémie de SIDA fait un grand nombre de victimes parmi les enfants, particulièrement en Afrique sub-saharienne. Les prévisions du nombre d’enfants orphelins et fragilisés par le SIDA atteignent 25 millions d’ici la fin de la décennie, 18 millions d’entre eux en Afrique. Ceci, cumulé avec les faibles avancées du combat contre la malaria, signifie que la survie des enfants est toujours aussi menacée.
Sources: Bibliothèque de l’ONU Dag Hammarskjöld, UNICEF

Sélection de matériel d’apprentissage
Guide explicatif sur les Droits Humains des Enfants et des Jeunes (HREA)
Conversation sur le travail des enfants et le droit à l’éducation avec le rapporteur spécial de l’ONU sur le Droit à l’Education (15 juin 2005)
Le Droit des Enfants Ici et Maintenant (Amnesty International-USA)
Champs d’espoir: Activités Educatives sur le Travail des Enfants. Livret de l’enseignant
"Comment protéger les Droits de l’Homme?”Plan de cours: les Droits de l’enfant dans le système de protection des droits humain de l’ONU (Fondation Helsinki pour les droits de l’Homme, Pologne)
Plan de cours sur les enfants refugiés (HCRONU)
Eduquer les enfants pour leur donner des racines, des droits et des responsabilités: Fêter la convention internationale des droits de l’enfant de l’ONU (USA)
Enseigner pour les Droits Humains: maternelle et primaire
Enseigner pour les Droits Humains: collège
Traités internationaux sur les droits des enfants:
- Convention Internationale des Droits de l’Enfant
- Version simplifiée de la Convention Internationale des Droits de l’Enfant
- Déclaration Universelle des Droits de l’Enfant
- Charte africaine des droits et du bien-être de l'enfant
- Convention (n° 138) de l’Organisation internationale du travail (OIT) sur l’Age Minimum pour accéder au travail
- Convention (No. 182) de l’OIT sur l’interdiction et l’action immédiate pour l’élimination des pires formes de travail des enfants
- Protocole Optionnel à la Convention des Droits de l’Enfant sur l’engagement des enfants dans les conflits armés
- Protocole Optionnel à la Convention des Droits de l’Enfant sur le commerce des enfants, la prostitution et la pornographie infantiles
Liens utiles
Le Fonds des Nations Unies pour l'enfance (UNICEF)
l’Organisation internationale du travail (OIT) sur le travail des enfants
Le Réseau d'information des droits de l'enfant (CRIN) -Travail des enfants
Fonte, Human Rights Education Associates (HREA)
Link,http://www.hrea.org/index.php?doc_id=923, consultado a 20 de Novembro de 2008.

Education vital in efforts to defeat intolerance, Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon says

2008-11-18T01:57:00.008Z

16 November 2008

Education is one of the most useful ways to overcome intolerance because it highlights similarities between people and helps to spread a healthy respect for differences, Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon said today.
In a message marking the International Day for Tolerance, which is observed today, Mr. Ban said the promotion of tolerance was especially valuable in the contemporary era of globalization, interdependence and increased mobility.
“While diversity is an invaluable asset, it can also be a source of tension,” he said. “Tolerance can diffuse potential conflicts. It can help prevent theories of racial or cultural superiority from emerging, and help societies to gradually overcome long-held prejudices and negative stereotypes.”
Mr. Ban stressed that tolerance should not be mistaken for either concession or condescension, and should also not be confused with indifference.
“Genuine tolerance is about openness, curiosity and communication. It goes hand in hand with knowledge and understanding. Education is one of the best ways to prevent intolerance, by revealing similarities between people and spreading a healthy respect for differences.”
This week the General Assembly held a high-level meeting featuring Mr. Ban and numerous international leaders to discuss Saudi Arabia''s “Culture of Peace” initiative, exploring ways to increase tolerance between peoples of different faiths and cultures.
Fonte, UN News Centre
Link,http://www.un.org/apps/news/story.asp?NewsID=28959&Cr=tolerance&Cr1= , consultado a 18 de Novembro de 2008.

UNITED NATIONS DAY 2008

2008-11-18T00:29:00.019Z

24 October 2008

"The United Nations must deliver results for a safer, healthier, more prosperous world. On this UN Day, I call on all partners and leaders to do their part and keep the promise." Ban Ki-moon, Secretary-General

Click here to watch the video of the Secretary-General's message

The anniversary of the entry into force of the United Nations Charter on 24 October 1945 has been celebrated as United Nations Day since 1948. It has traditionally been marked throughout the world by meetings, discussions and exhibits on the achievements and goals of the Organization. In 1971, the General Assembly recommended that Member States observe it as a public holiday (resolution 2782 (XXV). (Reference Paper 45).

Link,http://www.un.org/events/unday/2008/, consultado a 17 de Novembro de 2008.

Chasing the Flame: Sergio Vieira de Mello and the Fight to Save the World | the book written by Samantha Power

2008-09-07T02:09:00.023+01:00

" Curator
author TeresaDeSouza

Just to say that Samantha Power herself recognizes that her book on Sergio Vieira de Mello has many holes and untruth. (...). I hope ( we all hope ) the film will not be done. It would be a Blasphemy against the Truth. Self promotion ... Terry George has to know that ! Teresa Loureiro de Souza*, Berlin" - Posted on August 7, 2008 by - TeresaDeSouza
*Teresa de Souza, Curator and Researcher / Documentalist to the Diplomatic Service, Berlin. E-Mail : Teresa.de.Souza@hotmail.de
Link,http://www.goodmagazine.com/user/TeresaDeSouza, consultado a 7 de setembro de 2008.

Sergio Vieira de Mello | 19th of August 2008 | Day of Remembrance

2008-08-19T02:48:00.008+01:00

Sergio Vieira de Mello Foundation

" (...). Day of Remembrance
On the 19th of August 2008 it will be 5 years since Sergio Vieira de Mello lost his life in Baghdad in the attack against the UN, together with 21 of his colleagues. This day remains one of the most tragic days in the history of the UN.
The Foundation has associated itself with the ceremonies organized by the UN to commemorate this sad anniversary. On this occasion the Foundation wishes to honour not only the 22 victims of the Baghdad attack, but also all other humanitarians who have given their lives in defence of the principles of the UN Charter.
To ensure that humanitarians who have died in the course of duty are not forgotten, the Foundation would like the UN, through its General Assembly, to adopt an official annual day of commemoration. It has therefore been in contact with the representatives of several governments, submitting a draft resolution to them, entitled: “19 August: World Humanitarian Day”. All the contacted Governments have received the initiative positively and we hope that this draft resolution will be voted on favourably during the Fall Session of the General Assembly.
May commemorating them keep their spirit of peace alive.

Journée du souvenir
Le 19 août 2008, cela fera 5 ans que Sergio Vieira de Mello a perdu la vie à Bagdad dans l’attentat contre les Nations Unies, au côté de 21 de ses collègues. Cette journée restera un des moments les plus tragiques de l’histoire des Nations Unies.
La Fondation s’est associée aux cérémonies organisées par l’Organisation des Nations Unies pour commémorer ce triste anniversaire. A cette occasion, la Fondation rendra hommage non seulement aux 22 victimes de l’attentat de Bagdad, mais aussi à tous les humanitaires qui ont perdu la vie pour défendre les principes de la Charte des Nations Unies.
Afin que tous ces humanistes ne soient pas oubliés, la Fondation souhaite que les Nations Unies, avec l’accord de l’Assemblée générale, leur reconnaisse une journée officielle de commémoration. Elle a donc pris contact avec plusieurs représentants de gouvernements pour leur soumettre un projet de résolution visant à instaurer le 19 août : la journée mondiale des humanitaires. Les gouvernements ont accueilli très favorablement cette initiative. Nous espérons que cette résolution sera adoptée lors de la session d’automne de l’Assemblée générale.
Souvenez-vous de ces Hommes de Paix. "
Link,http://www.sergiovdmfoundation.org/en/remembrance.html, consultado a 19 de Agosto de 2008.
(Os Links desta página são da responsabilidade da CIVITAS MAXIMA).

60º. aniversário da Declaração Universal dos Direitos Humanos

2008-07-27T03:14:00.018+01:00

Declaração Universal dos Direitos Humanos

Adira à campanha

Em 2008 celebra-se o 60º. aniversário da Declaração Universal dos Direitos Humanos.

Associe-se à campanha da ONU para comemorar este aniversário ao longo de todo o ano. (...). Trabalhe em parceria connosco e inicie no seu país um dos projectos já anunciados no sítio http://www.knowyourrights2008.org/. (...).
8 Link,http://html.knowyourrights2008.org/pt/, consultado a 27 de Julho de 2008.

Sergio Vieira de Mello United Nations Library at Nairobi

2008-07-27T02:40:00.013+01:00

United Nations (UN) Libraries

"The Sergio Vieira de Mello United Nations Library at Nairobi is a joint initiative of the United Nations agencies based in Nairobi, led by the United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) .
The Sergio Vieira de Mello United Nations Library at Nairobi was officially opened on 30 June 2004 by Mr Klaus Toepfer, United Nations Under-Secretary-General, Executive Director of UNEP and Director General of the United Nations Office at Nairobi (UNON). He was accompanied by Mrs Anna Tibaijuka, United Nations Under-Secretary-General and Executive Director of UN-HABITAT, Mr. Paul Andre de la Porte, United Nations Resident Coordinator in Kenya and, on behalf of the Government of Brazil, Mrs Vera Pedrosa, Ambassador, Under-Secretary-General for Policy, Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The Library, which was previously known as the UNEP Library and Documentation Centre, has been named in recognition of Sergio Vieira de Mello and all the other staff members who have lost their lives in the service of the United Nations.
In Dec 2004 the UN General Assembly adopted resolution A/Res/59/126 A-B para 104 which says "notes with appreciation the operation of a common library in Nairobi within existing resources, in line with the approach set out in paragraph 37 of the Secretary-General's report on the modernization and integrated management of United Nations Libraries and in-depth review of library activities, and urges all United Nations offices in Nairobi to participate in and support this venture."(...)

Link,http://www.unlibrary-nairobi.org/default.asp, consultado a 27 de Julho de 2008.

Link,http://www.un.org/unlibraries/unlibe/index.html,consultado a 27 de Julho de 2008.

Direitos Humanos | Órgãos das Nações Unidas de Controlo da Aplicação dos Tratados em Matéria de Direitos Humanos : O Comité dos Direitos do Homem

2008-04-19T19:32:00.008+01:00

English Español Français
Gabinete de Documentação e Direito Comparado (GDDC)
página principal > direitos humanos: comité dos direitos do homem

O Comité dos Direitos do Homem é o órgão criado em virtude dos art.º 28.º do Pacto Internacional sobre os Direitos Civis e Políticos com o objectivo de controlar a aplicação, pelos Estados Partes, das disposições deste instrumento (bem como do seu segundo Protocolo Adicional com vista à Abolição da Pena de Morte). Nos termos do art.º 40.º do Pacto (e o at.º 3.º o segundo Protocolo), os Estados Partes apresentam relatórios ao Comité onde enunciam as medidas adoptadas para tornar efectivas as disposições destes tratados. Os relatórios são analisados pelo Comité e discutidos entre este e representantes do Estado Parte em causa, após o que o Comité emite as suas observações finais sobre cada relatório: salientando os aspectos positivos bem como os problemas detectados, para os quais recomenda as soluções que lhe pareçam adequadas.
Os Estados Partes no (primeiro) Protocolo Facultativo referente ao Pacto Internacional sobre os Direitos Civis e Políticos reconhecem ao Comité competência examinar comunicações de particulares sujeitos à sua jurisdição que aleguem terem sido vítimas de violação dos direitos previstos no Pacto. O Comité dispõe ainda de competência para apreciar comunicações interestaduais (art.º 41.º do Pacto) e para formular comentários gerais relativos a determinados artigos ou disposições do mesmo instrumento.
1. O Comité dos Direitos do Homem Por Catarina Albuquerque
2. Pacto Internacional sobre os Direitos Civis e Políticos
3. Protocolo Facultativo referente ao Pacto Internacional sobre os Direitos Civis e Políticos
4. Segundo Protocolo Adicional ao Pacto Internacional sobre os Direitos Civis e Políticos com vista à Abolição da Pena de Morte
5. Regras de Procedimento do Comité (texto em inglês, francês e espanhol disponível no website do Alto Comissariado das Nações Unidas para os Direitos Humanos)
6. Directrizes sobre a forma e o conteúdo dos relatórios a apresentar pelos Estados Partes (texto em inglês, francês e espanhol disponível no website do Alto Comissariado das Nações Unidas para os Direitos Humanos)
7. Comentários gerais do Comité
8. Jurisprudência do Comité (quanto a comunicações individuais apresentadas ao abrigo do Protocolo Facultativo referente ao Pacto Internacional sobre os Direitos Civis e Políticos)
9. Relatórios das sessões do Comité
10. Relatórios apresentados por Portugal ao Comité dos Direitos do Homem, actas das sessões em que foram analisados e observações finais do Comité

Link,http://www.gddc.pt/direitos-humanos/onu-proteccao-dh/orgaos-onu-dir-homem-novo.html, consultado a 17 de Abril de 2008.

Ban Ki-moon | My priorities as Secretary-General - A Stronger United Nations for a Better World

2008-04-06T00:37:00.012+01:00

Official portrait of UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon

Ban Ki-moon outlines his vision of a stronger UN for a better world

(...)“I am determined to make progress on the pressing issues of our time, step by step, by building on achievements along the way, working with Member States and civil society.” (...).
Link,http://www.un.org/sg/priority.shtml, consultado a 6 de Abril de 2008.

Council of Europe 2008 North-South Prize goes to Kofi Annan and Simone Veil

2008-04-03T04:23:00.015+01:00

Photo: From left to right: Claude Frey, Terry Davis, Simone Veil, Kofi Annan, Nane Annan and Lluis Maria de Puig

Lisbon, 02.04.2008 – Kofi Annan, the former UN Secretary General and Simone Veil, the first President of the directly elected European Parliament, have received the 13th Council of Europe North-South Prize during a solemn ceremony held in Lisbon on 1 April.
The North-South Prize of the Council of Europe has been awarded every year since 1995 by the North South Centre of the Council of Europe to two candidates who have demonstrated strong and visible commitment, outstanding achievement and clear hope for the future concerning protection of human rights.
“The award which Simone Veil and Kofi Annan received today is a recognition of their contribution to dialogue between people from different countries and different parts of the world, a dialogue based on respect for human rights and a commitment to democracy, good governance and the rule of law,” said Council of Europe Secretary General Terry Davis, addressing this year’s prize winners.
“They have worked all their lives for a world in which North and South will become a matter of geography - not a matter of fate,” he said.
Extending his warmest congratulations to this year’s prize-winners Claude Frey, the Chairman of the North-South Centre’s Executive Council, underlined that “the names of Mr. Annan and Ms. Veil served as synonyms for the struggle for human rights and that their lives became the symbols of courage and of a hope for fight for the cause of human rights.”
Speaking at the event, the President of the Council of Europe Parliamentary Assembly Lluis Maria de Puig said: “It is a moment for all of us to recognise your efforts and to say once again that we need you and we need people like you to build more fair and human societies. Your actions are the source of inspiration, which gives us strength to believe in a better future for a mankind.”
In her acceptance speech Simone Veil said “there were many challenges that must to be faced and tackled” and “that the award will be a further inspiration and motivation for them to work on solving the problems the world is facing."
“This award recognises the interdependent world we all share and live in today. It promotes the values of solidarity, reconciliation and mutual respect over exclusion and mistrust and I therefore applaud your efforts to hold the North and South together. After all we are in the same boat,” said Kofi Annan accepting the prize.
Echoing other speakers at the ceremony and joining them in congratulating this year’s prize winners, the Portuguese President Anibal Cavaco Silva said: "Through their tireless work this year’s laureates have contributed in an outstanding way to the promotion of our shared principles on democracy, human rights and the rule of law. By upholding the highest moral standards, Mr Annan and Ms. Veil epitomise the essence of the Council of Europe North-South Prize ".
The award ceremony, which has been held this year for the thirteenth time, was attended by over 150 members of the diplomatic community, members of Portuguese Parliament and the representatives of the Council of Europe institutions and international organisations.

Information about this year’s winners of the North-South Centre Prize

Kofi Annan of Ghana, the seventh Secretary-General of the United Nations, has been a constant advocate for human rights, the rule of law and the universal values of equality, tolerance and human dignity, as well as for the Millennium Development Goals and Africa. He sought to bring the UN closer to the global public by forging ties with civil society, the private sector and other partners. One of Kofi Annan's main priorities as Secretary-General was a comprehensive programme of reform aimed at revitalising the United Nations and making the international system more effective. Kofi Annan and the UN were jointly awarded the 2001 Nobel Prize for Peace.

Simone Veil of France is a leading European politician and human rights activist who survived the Nazi concentration camps. Throughout her career as a magistrate and a politician, she fought to fight against all forms of discrimination. She served as French Minister for Health (1974-79), securing the passage of a liberalised abortion and contraception law in 1974. Veil was elected to the European Parliament in 1979, 1984, and 1989 and served as its first popularly elected president. She was member of the the Constitutional Council of France. She is a founding member of the Foundation for the Memory of the Shoah (“Fondation pour la mémoire da la Shoah”) and served as its President until 2007.

All winners of the Prize since 1995
File “Council of Europe North-South Prize”
Speech by Kofi AnnanSpeech by Terry Davis
Speech by Lluís Maria de Puig [FR]
Video
File: ''Council of Europe North-South Prize''
Link,http://www.coe.int/DEFAULTEN.ASP?,consultado a 3 de Abril de 2008.

UN Special. CHERS AMIS DE SERGIO. ANNE WILLEM BIJLEVELD, PRÉSIDENT DU COMITÉ DE DIRECTION. LAURENT VIEIRA DE MELLO, PRÉSIDENT DU CONSEIL DE FONDATION

2008-03-24T23:44:00.022Z

UN Special
UN Special N° 671 Mars · March • 2008 ONU

(FR) Avec les bureaux de l’ONU à Alger pris récemment pour cible, nous avons revécu la terrible attaque du 19 août 2003 contre le siège des Nations Unies à Bagdad, au cours de laquelle notre cher ami, Sergio Vieira de Mello et vingt et un de ses collègues ont perdu la vie. Cette tragédie, il y a de cela quatre ans et demi, a marqué le début de la spirale de violence en Irak, rapportée encore quotidiennement par les médias. Les événements à Alger nous ont montré que l’attaque du Canal Hotel n’était malheureusement pas un acte isolé.

Si Sergio était encore parmi nous aujourd’hui, il aurait été passionnément impliqué dans la résolution d’une telle situation, en combattant tout particulièrement l’intolérance à l’origine de ces attaques. Il l’aurait fait dans son style diplomatique habituel, à savoir en consultant chaque partie impliquée afin d’identifier les intérêts de chacun et, dans le dialogue, établir un plan d’action concret. Il avait une vision de l’action humanitaire basée sur une grande confiance en l’humanité mais aussi une approche pratique des contraintes de la coexistence quotidienne. C’était une vision idéaliste et pragmatique à la fois. C’est dans le but de pérenniser la vision de Sergio et pour encourager des initiatives semblables que nous nous permettons de vous écrire, comme Ami de Sergio.

Après maintes consultations et réflexions sur la façon de continuer au mieux le travail de Sergio, quelques-uns de ses amis et sa famille ont créé, à Genève, la Fondation qui porte son nom.

La Fondation Sergio Vieira de Mello, au statut international régi par la loi suisse, s’est donnée pour but de continuer la mission de Sergio à travers :
• La remise d’un prix annuel « Sergio Vieira de Mello » récompensant des personnes, institutions ou communautés qui, par leur travail exceptionnel, oeuvrent pour la réconciliation entre personnes ou parties divisées par un conflit.
• Une conférence annuelle en partenariat avec l’Institut des Hautes Etudes Internationales et du Développement (HEID),donnée aux alentours du 15 mars, date d’anniversaire de Sergio.
• Une bourse au nom de Sergio attribuée à quelques jeunes dont les familles furent victimes d’une crise humanitaire consécutive à un conflit armé.
• L’appui aux acteurs humanitaires, quelque soit leur employeur ou leur lieu d’action, pour leur sécurité et l’indépendance de leur travail.
• L’encouragement des initiatives et efforts en faveur de la réconciliation et de la coexistence pacifique entre personnes ou communautés séparées par un conflit.

M. Kofi Annan, ancien Secrétaire général des Nations Unies, a accepté d’être le Président d’Honneur de la Fondation et, en plus d’une généreuse contribution pour aider au lancement de nos activités, M. Annan donnera la première conférence à la mémoire de Sergio, le 17 mars 2008 à 18h30 au Centre International de Conférences de Genève, 17 Rue de Varembé. Ce sera le premier événement public de la Fondation et vous y êtes, bien entendu, cordialement invité.

Si vous souhaitez encourager le travail de la Fondation, qui, de par sa nature non lucrative, est amenée à faire appel à des personnes ou associations pour son financement, vous pouvez apporter votre soutien, sous forme de donation annuelle en tant qu’«Ami de Sergio» au sein de la Fondation.Votre contribution sera très appréciée et utilisée par la Fondation pour promouvoir les valeurs que Sergio a passé sa vie à défendre.
Les coordonnées bancaires de la Fondation sont les suivantes :
Fondation Sergio Vieira de Mello
UBS/ONU Genève
Compte No: 0279-282012.01M
IBAN : CH500027927928201201M
BIC : UBSWCHZH80A

Nous avons essayé dans la mesure du possible d’inclure tous les amis de Sergio dans notre liste de distribution, mais il se peut malgré tout que des personnes n’aient pu être contactées. Si vous connaissez des personnes intéressées à rejoindre les « Amis de Sergio», n’hésitez pas à les encourager à prendre contact avec la Fondation.
Pour plus d’information, nous vous encourageons à consulter notre site web www.sergiovdmfoundation.org
. Vous avez aussi la possibilité de souscrire à la newsletter pour rester informé des activités de la Fondation.

(EN) DEAR FRIENDS OF SERGIO
ANNE WILLEM BIJLEVELD, CHAIRMAN OF THE BOARD
LAURENT VIEIRA DE MELLO, PRESIDENT OF THE FOUNDING COMMITTEE
With the recent targeting of the UN premises in Algiers, we relived the terrible attack of 19 August 2003 against United Nations Headquarters in Baghdad in which our close friend, Sergio Vieira de Mello, together with twenty-one of his colleagues, were killed. That tragic event, four and half years ago, marked the beginning of the spiral into the daily violence in Iraq that we continue to see played out daily in the media. The events in Algiers have shown that the Canal bombing was unfortunately not an isolated event.

Sergio, if alive today, would have been passionately committed to working with others to resolve such situations, especially by addressing the intolerance that lies at the root of these attacks. He would have done it in his usual diplomatic way by marshalling all interested parties to pursue common interests identified through dialogue and reflected in a workable plan of action. His was a vision of humanitarian action based on the highest expectations of mankind, but grounded in an appreciation of what day-to-day coexistence required. It was a vision of idealism and pragmatism. It is to keep this vision of Sergio alive and to support much needed ongoing similar initiatives by others that we are writing to you, as one of Sergio’s friends.

After much consultation and reflection on how best to continue the work of Sergio, a few of his friends and his family have created a Foundation in his name in Geneva.

The Sergio Vieira de Mello Foundation has been established as an international entity under Swiss law to continue Sergio’s mission and fulfil his vision through :
•An Annual Prize in Sergio’s name awarded to individuals, institutions or communities in recognition of their outstanding and unique work for peaceful reconciliation between peoples and parties in conflict.
•An Annual Memorial Lecture in partnership with the Graduate Institute of International and Development Studies (HEID) on or around 15 March (Sergio’s birthday).
•A Fellowship in Sergio’s name to be awarded to a selected number of outstanding young people whose families were victims of humanitarian crisis resulting from armed conflict.
•Advocating for the security and independence of humanitarian actors, wherever they may be operating andwhomever they may work for.
•Supporting initiatives and efforts to promote peaceful reconciliation and co-existence between peoples and communities divided by conflict.

Former UN Secretary General, Mr Kofi Annan, has agreed to be the Patron of the Foundation and apart from a generous contribution to start our activities, he has agreed to deliver the first Sergio Vieira de Mello Memorial Lecture on 17 March 2008 at the Geneva International Conference Centre (CICG), 15 Rue de Varembé at 18 h30. It will be the Foundation’s first public event to which you are cordially invited.

If you wish to support the work of the Foundation established to honour and preserve the memory of Sergio, which by virtue of its non-for-profit nature will be looking to individuals and associations to support its work, we would be grateful if you could consider a contribution to our work, on a yearly basis donation and therefore become “Friend of Sergio” within the Foundation.
Your contribution will be greatly appreciated and be used by the Foundation in activities geared towards propagating the values which Sergio spent his life defending.
The Foundation’s account details are as follows :
Sergio Vieira de Mello Foundation
UBS/ONU Geneva Branch
Account No. : 0279-282012.01M
IBAN : CH500027927928201201M
BIC : UBSWCHZH80A

We have tried to the best of our knowledge to include all of Sergio’s friends on our mailing list. There may, however, be persons who have not been contacted. If you know someone who would be interested to be part of the “Friends of Sergio”, do not hesitate to encourage him/her to contact us. If you wish to have more information about the Foundation, we would encourage you to consult our website www.sergiovdmfoundation.org. You can also subscribe to our electronic newsletter, to be kept informed of the Foundation’s activities.
Link,http://www.unspecial.org/UNS671/t22.html, consultado a 24 de Março de 2008.

First Memorial Lecture of the Sergio Vieira de Mello Foundation

2008-03-18T00:01:00.017Z

The first Annual Memorial Lecture of the Sergio Vieira de Mello Foundation given by Mr. Kofi Annan, took place yesterday, Monday March 17, 2008, at the International Conference Centre Geneva (CICG) in Geneva, Switzerland, in the presence of about 1'000 persons.
Fonte,http://graduateinstitute.ch/corporate/cache/bypass/page21.html?evenementId=11209, consultado a 18 de Março de 2008.

Former UN United Nations Secretary General Kofi Annan delivers his message during the first Memorial Lecture of the Sergio Vieira de Mello Foundation at the International Conference Centre Geneva (CICG) in Geneva, Switzerland, Monday, March 17, 2008. Sergio Vieira de Mello was killed in the Canal Hotel Bombing in Iraq along with 21 other members of his staff on Aug 19, 2003.

Annie Vieira de Mello, widow of Sergio Vieira de Mello, listens to Former UN United Nations Secretary General Kofi Annan, not in the picture, during the first Memorial Lecture of the Sergio Vieira de Mello Foundation, at the International Conference Centre Geneva (CICG) in Geneva, Switzerland, Monday, March 17, 2008. (AP Photo/Keystone/Salvatore Di Nolfi).
Fonte,http://news.yahoo.com/nphotos/Iraq-Sergio-Vieira-de-Mello-United-Nations-Secretary-General-Geneva2C-Switzerland-Vieira-de-Mello/ss/events/iraq/082701iraqplane/im:/080317/481/ed1ae9511cc940c08970fb9bab564de4/ ,consultado a 18 de Março de 2008.

Former UN United Nations Secretary General Kofi Annan delivers his message during the first Memorial Lecture of the Sergio Vieira de Mello Foundation at the International Conference Centre Geneva (CICG) in Geneva, Switzerland, Monday, March 17, 2008. (AP Photo/Salvatore Di Nolfi / AP).
Fonte,http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/23678062/displaymode/1176/, consultado a 17 de Março de 2008.

Sergio Vieira de Mello Foundation to honour peacemakers | Annie Vieira de Mello interview

2008-03-17T23:15:00.015Z

Vieira de Mello Foundation to honour peacemakers

14 Mar 2008

Source: Reuters
By Stephanie Nebehay

GENEVA, March 14 (Reuters) -Shortly after a massive bomb killed the U.N. envoy in Iraq Sergio Vieira de Mello in August 2003, his grieving widow and sons knew they wanted to perpetuate his life's work on behalf of victims of armed conflict.
In an interview, Annie Vieira de Mello spoke of the strong idealism of the dashing Brazilian who worked in hotspots from Cambodia to Kosovo and Timor-Leste during his 30-year career with the United Nations.
Her husband -- tipped by some as a possible future U.N. Secretary-General -- was among 22 people killed when a truck loaded with explosives hit the Canal Hotel, the U.N. compound in Baghdad following the U.S.-led invasion of Iraq.
She and their sons Laurent and Adrien were spending a summer day along Lake Geneva when word came of what is still the most deadly attack on the world body set up in 1945.
"As soon as the children and I received so many tributes and saw the outpouring of sympathy after the event, we thought he still had a role to play," Annie Vieira de Mello told Reuters at the U.N.'s European headquarters in Geneva, a hub for both humanitarian aid and human rights.
"It was the obvious thing to do, because when you are in mourning and pain, you want to try to hang onto those you've lost," the elegant French woman said quietly over tea.
With friends and family, she set up a Swiss-based foundation to promote dialogue for peace in the name of her husband (http://www.sergiovdmfoundation.org/).
Its patron, former U.N. Secretary-General Kofi Annan, will give the first annual Sergio Vieira de Mello memorial lecture in Geneva on Monday, two days after what would have been the 60th birthday of the slain U.N. envoy.
The foundation will award fellowships to young people whose families are caught up in war, as well as an annual prize in recognition of work to broker peace between parties to conflict.

"It could be a doctor or professor who takes political risks to encourage dialogue," said Annie Vieira de Mello, who is mobilising funds from U.N. agencies, governments, and private individuals for the awards.
"We hope my husband's name can bring international recognition and support that might protect this person and encourage him or her to continue," she said.
Sergio was known for his efforts to promote understanding in difficult conditions. He held talks with Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat while serving in the U.N. Interim Forces in Lebanon in the early 1980s, and successfully sought a decade later to help resolve the fate of Vietnamese boat people.
"He was a man of action, of negotiations, who liked meeting people and trying to understand conflicts," his widow said. "He liked to bring people together to find a solution, which is why the foundation is based on the idea of dialogue between communities in conflict." (Editing by Laura MacInnis and Paul Casciato)
Link, http://www.alertnet.org/thenews/newsdesk/L1418740.htm, consultado a 17 de Março de 2008.

(Português)

Fundação Sergio Vieira de Mello homenageará mediadores de conflito

GENEBRA, Suíça - Pouco depois do atentado a bomba que matou em 2003 o então enviado da Organização das Nações Unidas ao Iraque, Sergio Vieira de Mello, a viúva e seus filhos decidiram que iriam continuar com o trabalho dele em nome das vítimas de conflitos armados.
Em uma entrevista, Annie Vieira de Mello falou sobre o grande idealismo deste brasileiro notável, que trabalhou em pontos de conflito de várias regiões do globo, do Camboja ao Timor Leste, durante sua carreira de 30 anos na ONU.
Seu marido, apontado por alguns como o possível futuro Secretário-Geral da ONU, estava entre as 22 pessoas mortas quando um caminhão carregado com explosivos atingiu o Canal Hotel, o complexo da ONU em Bagdá. O ataque ocorreu pouco depois da invasão do Iraque liderada pelos EUA.
Annie e seus filhos, Laurent e Adrien, estavam à beira do lago Genebra, em dia de verão, quando ouviram a notícia sobre o ataque, até hoje o mais violento contra o órgão internacional desde sua criação, em 1945.
"Depois que as crianças e eu recebemos tantas homenagens e vimos as demonstrações de empatia, acreditamos que ele ainda tinha um papel a desempenhar", afirmou Annie à Reuters, na sede européia dos órgãos de ajuda humanitária da ONU, em Genebra, cidade que concentra várias entidades do tipo.
"Para nós, isso era o mais óbvio a fazer porque, quando alguém está de luto e sofrendo, essa pessoa deseja apegar-se àquilo que perdeu", afirmou Annie, uma elegante francesa.
Com amigos e familiares, ela criou uma Fundação com sede na Suíça para promover o diálogo em busca da paz. A Fundação leva o nome do marido (www.sergiovdmfoundation.org).
O seu patrono, o ex-secretário-geral da ONU Kofi Annan, fará a aula inaugural memorial chamada Sergio Vieira de Mello, em Genebra, na segunda-feira, dois dias depois daquele que seria o aniversário de 60 anos do brasileiro.
A Fundação concederá bolsas para jovens cujas famílias são vítimas da guerra, bem como um prémio anual em reconhecimento ao trabalho dos que se empenham para mediar conflitos.
"Esse seria, por exemplo, um médico ou um professor que se expõe a perigos a fim de encorajar o diálogo", afirmou Annie, que está requisitando dinheiro de agências da ONU, de governos de vários países e de pessoas físicas para pagar pelos prémios.
"Esperamos que o nome do meu marido possa dar reconhecimento e apoio a essa pessoa, incentivando-a a prosseguir em sua luta", afirmou.
O brasileiro ficou conhecido por seus esforços para promover a compreensão em situações complicadas. Entre outras atividades, manteve negociações com o líder palestino Yasser Arafat quando trabalhou para as Forças Interinas da ONU no Líbano, no começo dos anos 1980.
"Ele era um homem de acção, de negociações, que gostava de conhecer pessoas e tentar entender os conflitos", disse Annie.
"Ele gostava de juntar as pessoas para encontrar uma solução, por isso a fundação é baseada na ideia de diálogo entre comunidades em conflito."

Fundação Sergio Vieira de Mello

2008-03-16T23:22:00.012Z

Colegas, amigos e a família de Sergio Vieira de Mello, criaram em 2007, em Genève, na Suiça, a Fundação Sergio Vieira de Mello - Sergio Vieira de Mello Foundation
- para dar continuidade aos seus ideais humanitários e promover a resolução pacífica de conflitos.

Sergio Vieira de Mello Foundation

(...) Purpose
Dedicated to promoting dialogue for the peaceful resolution of conflict, the Sergio Vieira de Mello Foundation has been established as an international entity under Swiss law to continue Sergio’s mission and fulfill his vision through:

• An Annual Prize in his name awarded to individuals, institutions or communities in recognition of their outstanding and unique work undertaken to achieve peaceful reconciliation between peoples and parties in conflict.
• An Annual Memorial Lecture in collaboration with the Graduate Institute of International and Development Studies in Geneva (HEID) on or around 15 March.
• A Fellowship in Sergio’s name to be awarded to a selected number of outstanding young people whose parents or family members were victims of humanitarian crises resulting from armed conflict.
• Supporting initiatives and efforts that promote peaceful reconciliation and co-existence between peoples and communities divided by conflict.
• Advocating for the security and independence of humanitarian actors, wherever they may be operating and whomever they may work for. (...).
Link,http://www.sergiovdmfoundation.org/en/foundation_purpose.html, consultado a 16 de Março de 2008.

Annual Sergio Vieira de Mello Memorial Lecture | Sergio Vieira de Mello Foundation

2008-03-16T22:48:00.012Z

Annual Sergio Vieira de Mello Memorial Lecture
Le 17.03.2008 18:30
Kofi Annan, Former UN Secretary General; Patron, Sergio Vieira de Mello Foundation; Senior Fellow, Graduate Institute of International and Development Studies - Centre International de Conférences Genève (CICG); Salle 2, Rue de Varembé 17, 1202 Genève -
Under the Patronage of Mrs Calmy-Rey, Federal Councillor, Head of the Federal Department of Foreign Affairs
Graduate Institute of International and Development Studies (HEID) Sergio Vieira de Mello Foundation

Link,http://www.graduateinstitute.ch/Jahia/site/corporate/cache/bypass/pid/21%3bjse ssionid=CA0B05CD5F60C2B7AA91A564552637B4?evenementId=11209, consultado a 16 de Março de 2008.

LEVANTE-SE E FAÇA SUA PARTE Pelos Objectivos do Milénio e Contra a Desigualdade

2007-10-17T02:52:00.000+01:00

O evento mundial LEVANTE-SE E FAÇA SUA PARTE Pelos Objetivos do Milênio e Contra a Desigualdade (Stand Up and Speak Out Against Poverty and for the Millennium Development Goals, em inglês) será nos dias 16 e 17 de outubro, quando milhões de pessoas, do mundo inteiro, responderão ao chamado para agir contra a desigualdade e pelo cumprimento dos Objetivos de Desenvolvimento do Milênio.
No ano passado, 23,5 milhões de pessoas participaram do movimento, estabelecendo um novo recorde mundial documentado no Guinness.
Faça parte deste crescente movimento global formado por pessoas que se recusam a ficar sentadas e silenciosas em face à pobreza e à desigualdade.
Em que consiste o movimento LEVANTE-SE E FAÇA SUA PARTE?
O LEVANTE-SE E FAÇA SUA PARTE é uma convocação mundial para agir contra a pobreza e pelos Objetivos de Desenvolvimento do Milênio.
Em 16 e 17 de outubro, pessoas de todo o mundo irão — literal e simbolicamente — SE LEVANTAR e se manifestar para que governos, empresas e toda a sociedade, juntos, mantenham suas promessas para acabarmos com a extrema pobreza e alcançarmos os Objetivos de Desenvolvimento do Milênio.
No último ano, mais de 23 milhões de pessoas fizeram sua parte e estabeleceram um recorde mundial registrado no Guinness como a maior mobilização mundial contra a pobreza. Este ano queremos que você nos ajude a quebrar este recorde para que a mensagem ecoe cada vez mais alto. Cada pessoa conta!

Por que se LEVANTAR E FAZER SUA PARTE?
Em 2000, líderes de 189 países concordaram com os Objetivos de Desenvolvimento do Milênio, um plano global para diminuir pela metade a extrema pobreza até 2015. Mesmo assim, todo dia 50 mil pessoas morrem como resultado da extrema pobreza, e a distância entre ricos e pobres aumenta a cada dia. Precisamos que você SE LEVANTE E FAÇA SUA PARTE Pelos Objetivos do Milênio e Contra a Desigualdade, para fazer com que governos, empresas e toda a sociedade cumpram suas promessas e compartilhem a responsabilidade - e isto somente acontecerá se todos assumirmos este compromisso.
O LEVANTE-SE E FAÇA SUA PARTE é uma iniciativa da Campanha do Milênio da Organização das Nações Unidas (United Nations Millennium Campaign) e da Chamada Global pela Ação contra a Pobreza (Global Call to Action against Poverty - GCAP).
Como você ou sua organização podem participar?
Há duas formas de você e sua organização fazerem parte do evento:
1. Participar de um evento existente:A Campanha do Milênio da ONU e a Chamada Global pela Ação contra a Pobreza já estão trabalhando com um grande número de parceiros, que vão de escolas a universidades, passando por grupos de comunidades locais, clubes esportivos, comunidades religiosas, sindicatos, empresas e muitos outros. E eventos estão sendo organizados em localidades e cidades em todo o mundo. Você pode se juntar a estes eventos, ou encorajar grupos ou organizações das quais você faz parte a participar. Esta é uma oportunidade única para falar em uníssono sobre um assunto especifico durante um dia. Precisamos de você para dar mais força à mensagem e estabelecer um novo recorde mundial.
2. Organize seu próprio evento:

a) Escolha o local: Pode ser um parque, uma praça, uma escola, uma universidade, um auditório ou seu local de trabalho.

b) Escolha o evento: Um concerto de música, um show, uma performance, passar um filme. Você pode ser criativo. Ou Inclua o LEVANTE-SE E FAÇA SUA PARTE em algum evento existente: Escolas e Universidades: durante uma aula ou em reuniões. Igrejas ou templos: Líderes religiosos podem anunciá-lo durante os serviços religiosos. Jogos de futebol e outros eventos esportivos: Antes ou depois do evento ou no intervalo. Cinemas e teatros: Peça para a audiência fazer sua parte antes do show. Locais de trabalho: Mobilize as empresas para fazerem o evento durante as horas de trabalho
c) Escolha o líder do evento: Uma pessoa de sua organização ou uma celebridade da comunidade pode ser convidada para ser a apresentadora.

d) Divulgue o evento usando e-mails, cartas, folhetos e pôsteres:
Onde for apropriado, comunicar a mídia local que o evento acontecerá.
Todas as ações devem ser realizadas em 24 horas começando às 18h de 16 de outubro e indo até as 18h de 17 de outubro (horários de Brasília – 21h GTM), para que possam ser incluídas na contagem e quebrar o recorde mundial do Guinness estabelecido em 2006.
Na data: Como realizar o LEVANTE-SE E FAÇA SUA PARTE:
Planeje o evento para que o LEVANTE-SE E FAÇA SUA PARTE aconteça no momento adequado. O líder do evento deve dar uma pequena explicação sobre o que é o LEVANTE-SE E FAÇA SUA PARTE: uma oportunidade de se juntar a um grupo cada vez maior de pessoas pedindo o fim da pobreza, e ao mesmo tempo fazer parte de um recorde mundial.
Depois, as pessoas se reúnem e sentam ou ajoelham (pessoas portadoras de deficiências podem realizar uma ação simbólica).
E, imediatamente, SE LEVANTAM e se manifestam Pelos Objetivos do Milênio e Contra a Desigualdade. Assim que todos se levantarem, a platéia pode ser induzida a fazer algum gesto simbólico como levantar os braços, agitar bandeiras, etc.
Uma mensagem padrão, com o compromisso assumido durante o evento, pode ser adaptada ou substituída por uma mensagem que seja mais relevante para você.
Peça para que os participantes registrem o LEVANTE-SE E FAÇA SUA PARTE com câmeras, celulares ou filmadoras e que publiquem as fotos ou imagens no site www.standagainstpoverty.org.
O último passo, e o mais importante, é contar ou fazer uma estimativa do número de pessoas presentes no evento e dar esta informação para os organizadores. Esses números serão somados e incluídos no total de pessoas que quebrarão o recorde mundial.
Como ser contado e por quê?
Para que esta mobilização tenha um verdadeiro impacto, precisamos dizer a nossos líderes e ao mundo que milhões de pessoas se levantaram e exigiram que a pobreza fosse erradicada e que os Objetivos do Milênio passem a ser uma prioridade política.
Os responsáveis por organizar eventos locais precisam pré-registrar as atividades planejadas e, depois, registrar os números finais de seu LEVANTE-SE E FAÇA SUA PARTE no formulário on-line que estará disponível no site www.standagainstpoverty.org. É também possível participar da tentativa de quebrar o recorde mundial do Guinness através de mensagens SMS e através de comunidades on-line. Detalhes de como registrar esses eventos virtuais podem ser encontrados em nossa página. Para aqueles que não têm acesso à Internet, as estatísticas do evento podem ser enviadas via fax para os escritórios locais da Campanha do Milênio da ONU/Chamada Global pela Ação contra a Pobreza.
LEVANTE-SE para acabar com a desigualdade! FAÇA SUA PARTE para atingir os Objetivos de Desenvolvimento do Milênio.
LEVANTE-SE contra todas as formas de injustiça e desigualdade FAÇA SUA PARTE para que as promessas sejam cumpridas.
LEVANTE-SE e ajude a quebrar o recorde! FAÇA SUA PARTE e seja ouvido! Vista a pulseira branca, o símbolo da luta global contra a pobreza 16 e 17 de outubro de 2007 (...).
Saiba mais na página: www.standagainstpoverty.org

Link,http://www.onu-brasil.org.br/levantese.php, consultado a 16 de Outubro de 2007.

STAND UP AND SPEAK OUT AGAINST POVERTY

2007-10-16T17:48:00.000+01:00

On October 16th and 17th, Stand Up and Speak Out for the Millennium Development Goals

Link, http://youtube.com/watch?v=UiA0f_Ui1RA, consultado a 16 de Outubro de 2007.

End Poverty 2015 Millennium Campaign - What About Portugal

2007-10-16T16:59:00.000+01:00

Objectivos de Desenvolvimento do Milénio

WHAT ABOUT PORTUGAL?

At the Millennium Summit in 2000, world leaders committed themselves to the achievement of 8 Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) by 2015. Both rich and poor countries agreed to work towards the eradication of extreme poverty and hunger, the elimination of gender inequalities, the prevention and treatment of HIV/AIDS, protection of our environment, and the provision of education, healthcare and clean water. Since then the MDGs have had a catalytic effect on global development because of their simplicity, accessibility, and because progress against them is easily monitored.

The MDGs involve a Global Deal between rich and poor countries: poor countries pledged to reform policies, improve governance, and to channel resources to the achievement of the first 7 Goals. Rich countries, for their part, promised to deliver more and more effective aid, faster and deeper debt relief, and fairer trade rules. Rich country commitments are, in particular, outlined in the 8th Goal.

So how well is Portugal doing in meeting its part of the Global Deal?

Portugal’s record on aid

Aid volume

· In 2006 Portugal was the third worst performing country among the EU 15 member states on aid volume, with only Italy and Greece behind. Portugal’s official development assistance (ODA) represented only 0.21% of national income (or GNI). Moreover, Portugal is far behind the average effort of EU-15 donor countries which stood at 0.51% of GNI. This also means that Portugal failed to meet its commitment to achieve 0.33% ODA/GNI by 2006.

· In absolute volume, Portuguese ODA was $391 million in 2006, which was less than half the size of Ireland’s aid budget in the same year, even though Ireland’s population is less than half the size of Portugal’s.

· In May 2005, Portugal joined other EU-15 countries in a commitment to increase ODA and achieve the international target of 0.7% of GNI by 2015. The EU-15 set a minimum intermediate target of 0.51% for individual countries for 2010. Unlike other EU-15 countries, Portugal has not yet announced a detailed implementation schedule for achieving this commitment.

While Portugal failed to meet its target of 0.33% ODA/GNI in 2006, the Portuguese government intends to make a serious effort to reach 0.51% by 2010 as per its European commitment. Nevertheless, political will at all levels is necessary to achieve Portugal’s commitments.

Portugal’s commitment to increasing aid volumes in future years is good news, but planned increases represent significant budgetary and administrative challenges, given the underlying trend of aid flows. The OECD suggests that Portugal should announce a time-bound implementation plan for the growth of ODA. In particular, they recommend that this plan focus on resource mobilisation and allocations to activities that have a clear poverty orientation.

Until such time as the capacity can be built to translate increases in ODA into effective poverty-focused bilateral programmes, the Portuguese authorities should consider channelling increases in funding through multilateral agencies and initiatives.

Aid quality

· Portugal can be commended for the high share of its ODA going to low-income countries. In fact, Portuguese assistance generally concentrates on a handful of very poor countries, with 93% of Portuguese ODA in 2004/05 allocated to least-developed countries (LDCs).

· 88% of Portugal’s ODA went to sub-Saharan Africa in 2004-05. The focus on this region reflects an on-going concentration of Portuguese ODA in lusophone countries, although the figures for 2004-05 are exaggerated by a very large debt relief operation in favour of Angola. Angola received the bulk of Portugal’s aid in this period, which was over 8 times higher than the second largest recipient.

· Portugal has not yet fully untied its aid from the purchase of Portuguese goods and services. Nevertheless, Portugal is complying with the OECD recommendation to untie aid to LDCs. It has made good progress in untying this aid with only 1% of aid to LDCs was still tied in 2004.

In November 2005, the Council of Ministers approved the new Portuguese strategy for development cooperation entitled “A strategic vision for Portuguese cooperation.” This strategy includes a commitment to the MDGs as one of the five guiding principles of development cooperation. This new strategy is a welcome step forward, but the OECD notes that Portugal faces significant implementation challenges in reorienting its aid programme in line with this strategy. These overall challenges include managing the increase in aid flows in line with commitments while strengthening the poverty focus of aid.

The OECD notes that increasing the poverty focus of Portugal’s aid requires the development of a systematic and consistent approach to poverty reduction based on poverty needs assessments, and an adjustment of policies and practices across the board.

In order to implement its new cooperation strategy, the OECD suggests that Portugal undertake a strategic review of ODA allocations, develop and implement a multi-year, results-based action plan to implement the new development strategy, and adopt methodological innovations to better link development objectives, inputs, outputs and results. Such a multi-year programming process would increase the predictability of aid for both partner countries and implementing agencies.

The key actor in Portuguese aid is the Portuguese Institute for Development Support (IPAD). IPAD is part of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and was created in 2003 as the central body responsible for the planning, supervision and coordination of Portuguese aid. Despite IPAD’s formal lead role, a multiplicity of informal processes bring a wide array of actors from line ministries into direct contact with their counterparts in partner countries leading to a very fragmented aid programme. The implementation of Portuguese aid involves many actors including 15 different ministries, 308 municipal governments, universities and other public institutions. The diffuse nature of cooperation poses challenges at all levels for the coherence, coordination, management and reform of Portuguese aid.

To increase aid effectiveness IPAD needs to be given control over the bilateral aid budget. And, to increase the effectiveness of coordination, management and oversight, IPAD must shift from an administrative approach to a more strategic and development cooperation-oriented culture. This will require more appropriate technical development expertise, both at headquarters and at country level. At present, IPAD has a small staff, is not represented at country level and few staff have the background necessary to deal with the complex challenges facing Portugal’s development cooperation programme.

The new Portuguese strategy for cooperation maintains the geographic focus of cooperation efforts on the Portuguese speaking countries of Africa and Timor Leste. In turn the sectoral and thematic priorities for Portuguese aid are based on Portugal’s comparative advantages in these priority countries. Priority sectors include education, good governance, participation and democracy; sustainable development and the fight against poverty. Nevertheless, the OECD note that within these broad priority sectors there needs to be a clearer integration of the MDGs to ensure that poverty reduction is pursued.

A concrete example of how poverty reduction objectives need to be better integrated into the aid programme is the education sector. Education absorbs a large share of technical cooperation in the form of imputed student costs and scholarships. In 2003, these two categories absorbed 37% of technical cooperation disbursements. The OECD notes that bringing foreign students to Portugal to study is costly in absolute terms and has high opportunity costs in terms of the developmental gains foregone, especially when Portugal’s partner countries have pressing needs at all educational levels. Moreover these programmes have questionable – and even negative - development benefits for developing countries. More generally, the OECD suggests that the Portuguese authorities broaden their approach to education, linking it more closely to poverty reduction, and building institutional capacity at all levels. Portugal should analyse needs of the education systems of its priority countries and address them in the context of national education strategies in collaboration with partner governments and other donors.

In terms of aid modalities, debt relief and technical cooperation have dominated Portuguese assistance in recent years. By contrast, project and programme aid were only 2% of gross bilateral disbursements in recent years. Portugal’s participation in sector and budget support programmes – even in its priority countries where aid is nominally supporting poverty reduction strategies - is severely constrained by its budget planning and programming process and limited aid management presence in the field.

Portugal is signed up to the 2003 Rome Declaration on the harmonization of aid practices, and to the more broad-ranging 2005 Paris Declaration on aid effectiveness. However, like many other donors, Portugal has a long way to go in reforming its aid administration and practice to improve the effectiveness of its aid. While Portugal does have an action plan for implementation on harmonisation and alignment this action plan needs to be updated and broadened, it needs to specify implementation time frames and to identify the entities responsible for implementation. Ultimately though, the OECD notes that real progress in aid effectiveness will require the adoption of new aid delivery mechanisms, increasing the predictability of aid disbursements and decentralising decision making and human resources to the country level.

The Portuguese authorities need to delegate greater authority to embassies, empower them with resources and the authority to make decisions closer to field realities and to collaborate actively with other donors. At the country level, Portugal faces the challenge of developing a common vision and operational framework for collaborating with other donors.

Portugal’s record on debt relief

Debt relief has formed a major part of Portuguese bilateral ODA in recent years. This relief has been either linked to restructuring operations negotiated within the Paris Club or has been decided upon bilaterally based on the income level and level of indebtedness of the debtor country. In particular, Portugal has granted much debt relief to lusophone African countries.

Portugal’s record on trade

As part of the European Union, Portugal implements the European Union’s common agricultural and trade policies. These policies are implemented and initiated by the European Commission but heavily influenced by Member States.

Overall Portugal supports reform of the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) and of the world trading system in order to better take into account the interests of developing countries.

Most problematic are EU agricultural policies which provide subsidies for both the production and export of agricultural commodities, which lower world prices and limit earning opportunities for farmers and rural communities in poor countries. Support levels are slowly declining as a result of gradual reform of the Common Agricultural Policy. Nevertheless, in 2005, public support for producers in the EU still represented 32% of gross farm receipts - this is above the OECD average. And total support to the agricultural sector costs the EU countries 1.1% of GDP. Considering that the EU-15 spent only 0.43% of their combined national income on ODA in 2006, the level of agricultural support is staggering.
There is a gradual shift towards the use of less-distorting forms of agricultural producer support, notably a shift away from market price support and output-based payments, but these still form the majority of support.

As part of the Doha “Development” Round trade negotiations at the World Trade Organisation in December 2005 in Hong Kong, the EU committed to eliminating export subsidies by 2013. This was not much of a concession for the EU, given that it was set to eliminate the majority of these subsidies by that date under on-going reforms of the EU Common Agricultural Policy. However, even this minimal commitment now has a question mark hanging over it given the continued slow progress in the trade talks. It should be noted that EU resistance to opening up its agricultural markets continues to be one of the ongoing tensions in negotiations.

Almost all exports from the least developed countries face duty- and tariff-free access to the European Union market. While there are only a few exceptions to this free market access, three products which are important agricultural products for poor countries - sugar, rice and bananas – were excluded until 2009 in order to appease vested interests in the EU.

In addition, strict rules still make it difficult for goods from poor countries to gain access to the EU market. In the textiles sector, for example, rules of origin prevent poor countries that import fabric to produce clothing from exporting this clothing to the EU. Despite its overall preference for pro-development policies, Portugal, along with Italy, is resistant to changing the problematic policy on rules of origin.

For poor countries which are not among the least developed, market access can still be restricted due to high tariffs, particularly on manufactured goods where tariffs on poor country exports are often higher than equivalent tariffs on goods from rich countries.

Policy coherence for development and Portugal’s overall commitment to development

The OECD suggests that Portugal adopts policy coherence for development as a government objective, and clarifies the role that the Council of Ministers for Cooperation and the Institute for Development Support (IPAD) might play in promoting coherence across government. Moreover, the OECD suggests that there needs to be more analytical capacity and greater human resources in IPAD in order to allow it to play the necessary role in promoting policy coherence for development across government.

The Centre for Global Development (CGD) ranks 21 of the world’s richest countries based on their dedication to policies that benefit poor nations. CGD’s “Commitment to Development Index” (CDI) looks at seven policy areas important to developing countries: aid, trade, investment, migration, environment, security and technology.

CGD’s 2006 Commitment to Development Index ranks Portugal close to the bottom at 16th place among the 21 countries reviewed. Portugal’s low ranking reflects the very small share of its income that it provides in foreign aid, and the fact that it is the least open of countries covered by the Index to developing country migrants. On the other hand, Portugal has a strong environmental record from a developing country perspective.

Portuguese public opinion

In recent years, Portugal had made some improvements in the dissemination of development cooperation information. In addition Portugal’s new strategy for development cooperation has made education for development a key priority, including in school curricula. Yet, the OECD notes that the public debate on development cooperation in Portugal and public knowledge of development results are limited. Therefore, the OECD recommends that IPAD implement a communications strategy with adequate funding to foster greater understanding of, and public support for, development cooperation.

The OECD also notes that there is strong parliamentary consensus on the government’s new strategy for development co-operation and on the need to raise aid volumes to meet the MDGs. Yet, the OECD notes that pressure to show results on development cooperation has not been very strong in Portugal when compared with other OECD donor countries.

Updated: 6 April 2007

Principal sources: OECD (2007): 2006 Development Cooperation Report; OECD (2006): DAC peer review of Portugal; OECD (2006): Implementing the 2001 DAC Recommendation for Untying Official Development Assistance to the Least Developed Countries: 2006 Progress Report to the High Level Meeting; WTO (2006): World Trade Report; OECD (2006): Agricultural policies in OECD countries: At A Glance 2006; Centre for Global Development (2006): Commitment to Development Index Country Report: Portugal.

Link,http://www.endpoverty2015.org/files/WA%20-%20Portugal%20-%2006-04-07%20-%20posted.doc , consultado a 16 de Outubro de 2007.

Outros Links

*The 2005 World Summit

*Objectivos de Desenvolvimento do Milénio (ODM) até 2015

STAND UP and SPEAK OUT | against poverty and inequality and for the Millennium Development Goals

2007-10-16T11:15:00.000+01:00

October 16 + 17, 2007STAND UP and SPEAK OUT is a worldwide call to take action against poverty and inequality and for the Millennium Development Goals. During the 24 hour period between Oct. 16th at 9pm GMT and Oct. 17th at 9pm GMT, millions will literally STAND UP and SPEAK OUT to show that they refuse to stay silent or seated in the face of poverty. Help us break the world record so we can break the record of broken promises.

Get Email Updates Find Events Near You Create an Event Ne w Events (...).

Link,http://www.standagainstpoverty.org/, consultado a 16 de Outubro de 2007.

Center for UN Reform Education | Reform High on the Agenda as Outgoing and Incoming GA Presidents Address Assembly

2007-09-23T06:32:00.000+01:00

by Jonas von Freiesleben
19 September 2007

On Monday, 17 September 2007, the 61st session of the General Assembly formally ended and on the following day, Tuesday 18 September 2007, the 62nd session of the General Assembly officially opened. Among other issues, both GA Presidents addressed ongoing reform efforts.
As the outgoing President of the General Assembly, H.E. Sheikha Haya Rashed Al Khalifa of Bahrain, lowered her gavel for the last time this Monday, it not only marked the formal closing of the 61st session of the General Assembly, but also the end of term for the first Arab woman in office.
A year ago, she had made reform of the Security Council, Mandate Review, and System-wide Coherence among some of her key priorities for the year. Now, before passing on the honor to her successor, H. E. Sgrjan Kerim of the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, Sheikha Haya seized the moment in her concluding remarks to reflect on her stint. “General Assembly revitalization has been a priority this session. As well as adopting a new Resolution, we have renewed and broadened our engagement with Civil Society, NGOs and the private sector. Another essential component necessary to strengthen the General Assembly is to enhance the leadership role of the President of the General Assembly. This role of the President is contingent, not only on his/her political and diplomatic skills, but it is also based on the support the Office of the President receives from the Secretariat of the United Nations. It is critical therefore to strengthen the Office in proportion to the growing responsibilities of the President."
Sheikha Haya also touched upon the recent developments within Security Council reform, noting that the status quo is simply no longer acceptable. “During the next session, I hope the membership will, on the basis of the progress we made and on the positions and proposals of Member States, have the courage to begin discussions on meaningful intergovernmental negotiations. In the 21st Century, the world demands a more representative, legitimate and effective Security Council.”
The outgoing President also used the opportunity to praise the recent attempts to strengthen peacekeeping and peacebuilding, especially with a view to improve the effectiveness of the Peacebuilding Commission; to finalize consultations that have recommended concrete options to strengthen International Environmental Governance; to give the staff of the organization an effective system to settle disputes and administer justice; and to strengthen its oversight by creating an Audit and Oversight Advisory Committee. But Sheikha Haya added that further steps need to be taken on other reform issues. “The consultations on System-wide Coherence have made some progress. They [the General Assembly] have demonstrated that on substance we are less divided than on the process itself. However, this impasse is not sustainable. We need to take concrete action – since any further delays will only prolong the suffering of the poorest on this planet. On gender equality, the opportunity is now squarely before you, and I hope the proper decisions will be taken.”
She ended her speech by thanking the Assembly members for their support during the past year and welcomed her successor, the president-elect of the 62nd session of the General Assembly, Mr. Kerim. The incoming president is “an accomplished academic, a captain of industry, and an experienced diplomat. He is also a great believer in the United Nations.”
At the invitation of Sheikha Haya, Mr. Kerim, a former foreign minister and UN ambassador with international experience in academia, took the podium and received the presidential gavel from Secretary-General H.E. Ban Ki-moon.
The following day, on Tuesday, 18 September 2007, Mr. Kerim officially opened the 62nd session of the General Assembly. In doing so, he urged the 192 Member States to come together in solving the problems of the world. “More than ever before, global challenges demand multilateral solution. The United Nations is the appropriate multilateral forum to take action. This is why the revitalization of this General Assembly deserves our highest attention. To revitalize this House is also to renew our faith in each other, our common values and destiny. True revitalization will only happen if together we address, amongst others, the five priority issues that, in consultation with you, I have identified: climate change; financing for development and achieving the Millennium Development Goals; countering terrorism; and the reform agenda – to renewing the management, effectiveness and coherence of this organisation.”
The incoming President stressed that modernizing the management of the organization, as well as implementing greater coherence across the system, would enable the United Nations to better deliver results on the above priorities. “If we want the United Nations to play its full role, we will have to do more and do it more effectively - both operationally at the country-level, and management at Headquarters.” In addition, Mr. Kerim called for concrete action to be taken on Security Council reform. “We also need the courage to move to a new stage leading to concrete results on Security Council reform.”
Earlier, speaking to reporters at the United Nations, he said that since he was elected in May, he has been holding consultations with the Membership and various political groupings on all of these issues in a bid to spark progress.
The 62nd session of the General Assembly will formally end on 15 September 2008.

Link,http://www.centerforunreform.org/node/277, consultado a 22 de Setembro de 2007

Book 2004 / "Human Security for All: a tribute to Sergio Vieira de Mello", November 2004, New York

2007-09-23T04:03:00.000+01:00

Book Launch: "Human Security for All: a tribute to Sergio Vieira de Mello" Kevin Cahill (Author), President of the Center for International Health and Cooperation. Location: United Nations, New York. Date: 17 November 2004 (Photo # 56634 UN Photo/Ky Chung ).

Jan Eliasson, Ambassador of Sweden to the United States, addresses participants at the book launch for "Human Security for All: a tribute to Sergio Vieira de Mello". Location: United Nations, New York. Date: 17 November 2004. (Photo # 56636 UN Photo/Ky Chung).

Book Launch: "Human Security for All: a tribute to Sergio Vieira de Mello" Mr. Shashi Tharoor, Under-Secretary-General for Communications and Public Information. Location: United Nations, New York. Date: 17 November 2004. (Photo # 56636 UN Photo/Ky Chung ).

*Link, http://www.un.org/events/memorial/19august/photos.html, consultado a 22 de Setembro de 2007.
*Link,http://www.unog.ch/unog/website/news_media.nsf/(httpNewsByYear_en)/8DEB52C9606A87E1C12570F1004B615A?OpenDocument, consultado a 22 de Setembro de 2007.

IRAQ 2007 | Resolution 1770 covers UN work on national reconciliation, regional dialogue, relief aid and human rights

2007-08-29T04:38:00.001+01:00

New York, 10 August 2007
UN News Centre

Statement by the Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon on extension of the mandate of the United Nations Assistance Mission in Iraq

I welcome the decision of the Security Council today to renew and strengthen the mandate of the United Nations Assistance Mission in Iraq through the unanimous adoption of Resolution 1770/2007.
The United Nations is deeply committed to helping the people of Iraq, and I am pleased to have the opportunity to now enhance, where possible, our contributions in crucial areas such as national reconciliation, regional dialogue, humanitarian assistance and human rights.
A peaceful and prosperous future is for Iraqis themselves to create, with the international community lending support to their efforts.
The United Nations looks forward to working in close partnership with the leaders and people of Iraq to explore how we can further our assistance under the terms of this resolution.
I take this opportunity to express my profound appreciation and respect to the people and government of Iraq for their courageous efforts to make their country more stable, democratic and prosperous.
As we remember our colleagues who died in Baghdad four years ago, I also take this opportunity to pay tribute to the brave men and women who continue to serve the United Nations in Iraq. As we move forward, their safety and security will remain a paramount concern.
Link,http://www.un.org/apps/sg/sgstats.asp?nid=2700 , consultado a 29 de Agosto de 2007

United Nations Security Council | Resolution 1770 | 2007 | The situation concerning Iraq

2007-08-29T02:36:00.000+01:00

United Nations Security Council Resolutions 2007
Resolution 1770 (2007)
Adopted by the Security Council at its 5729th meeting, on
10 August 2007

The Security Council,

Recalling all its previous relevant resolutions on Iraq, in particular 1500 (2003) of 14 August 2003, 1546 (2004) of 8 June 2004, 1557 (2004) of 12 August 2004, 1619 (2005) of 11 August 2005 and 1700 (2006) of 10 August 2006,

Reaffirming the independence, sovereignty, unity and territorial integrity of Iraq,

Emphasizing the importance of the stability and security of Iraq for the people of Iraq, the region, and the international community,

Acknowledging that a democratically elected and constitutionally based Government of Iraq is now in place,

Underscoring the need for all communities in Iraq to reject sectarianism, participate in the political process, and engage in an inclusive political dialogue and national reconciliation for the sake of Iraq’s political stability and unity,

Reaffirming the importance of the United Nations, in particular the United Nations Assistance Mission for Iraq (UNAMI), in supporting the efforts of the Iraqi people and Government to strengthen institutions for representative government, promote political dialogue and national reconciliation, engage neighbouring countries, assist vulnerable groups, including refugees and internally displaced persons, and promote the protection of human rights and judicial and legal reform,

Expressing concern for the humanitarian issues confronting the Iraqi people and stressing the need for a coordinated response and adequate resources to address these issues,

Underscoring the sovereignty of the Government of Iraq and reaffirming that all parties should take all feasible steps to ensure the protection of affected civilians, and should create conditions conducive to the voluntary, safe, dignified, and sustainable return of refugees and internally displaced persons,

Urging all those concerned as set forth in international humanitarian law, including the Geneva Conventions and the Hague Regulations, to allow full unimpeded access by humanitarian personnel to all people in need of assistance, and to make available, as far as possible, all necessary facilities for their operations, and to promote the safety, security and freedom of movement of humanitarian personnel and United Nations and its associated personnel and their assets,

Welcoming the formal launch of the International Compact with Iraq on 3 May 2007 as well as the expanded Neighbours Conference on 4 May 2007 and resultant working groups, and underscoring the importance of continued regional and international support for Iraq’s development,

Acknowledging with appreciation past contributions by Member States to the United Nations Assistance Mission for Iraq (UNAMI) and recalling the need for UNAMI to have the necessary resources to fulfil its mission,

Welcoming the letter of 6 August 2007 from the Minister for Foreign Affairs of Iraq to the Secretary-General (S/2007/481, annex), expressing the view of the Government of Iraq requesting the United Nations Assistance Mission for Iraq (UNAMI) to assist Iraqi efforts to build a productive and prosperous nation at peace with itself and its neighbours,

1. Decides to extend the mandate of UNAMI for another period of twelve months from the date of this resolution;

2. Decides further that, as circumstances permit, the Special Representative of the Secretary-General and UNAMI, at the request of the Government of Iraq, shall:

(a) Advise, support, and assist:

(i) The Government and people of Iraq on advancing their inclusive, political dialogue and national reconciliation;
(ii) The Government of Iraq and the Independent High Electoral Commission on the development of processes for holding elections and referendums;
(iii) The Government of Iraq and the Council of Representatives on Constitutional review and the implementation of constitutional provisions, as well as on the development of processes acceptable to the Government of Iraq to resolve disputed internal boundaries;
(iv) The Government of Iraq on facilitating regional dialogue, including on issues of border security, energy, and refugees;
(v) The Government of Iraq at an appropriate time and in connection with progress on reconciliation efforts, on planning, funding and implementing reintegration programmes for former members of illegal armed groups;
(vi) The Government of Iraq on initial planning for the conduct of a comprehensive census;

(b) Promote, support, and facilitate, in coordination with the Government of Iraq:

(i) The coordination and delivery of humanitarian assistance and the safe, orderly, and voluntary return, as appropriate, of refugees and displaced persons;
(ii) The implementation of the International Compact with Iraq, including coordination with donors and international financial institutions;
(iii) The coordination and implementation of programmes to improve Iraq’s capacity to provide essential services for its people and continue active donor coordination of critical reconstruction and assistance programmes through the International Reconstruction Fund Facility for Iraq (IRFFI);
(iv) Economic reform, capacity-building and the conditions for sustainable development, including through coordination with national and regional organizations and, as appropriate, civil society, donors, and international financial institutions;
(v) The development of effective civil, social and essential services, including through training and conferences in Iraq when possible;
(vi) The contributions of United Nations agencies, funds, and programmes to the objectives outlined in this resolution under a unified leadership of the Secretary-General through his Special Representative for Iraq;

(c) And also promote the protection of human rights and judicial and legal reform in order to strengthen the rule of law in Iraq;

3. Recognizes the important role of the Multi-National Force Iraq (MNF-I) in supporting UNAMI, including security and logistical support, and further recognizes that security is essential for UNAMI to carry out its work on behalf of the people of Iraq;

4. Calls on Member States to continue providing UNAMI with the necessary financial, logistical and security resources and support to fulfil its mission;

5. Expresses its intention to review the mandate of UNAMI in twelve months or sooner, if requested by the Government of Iraq;

6. Requests the Secretary-General to report to the Council within three months from the date of this resolution on UNAMI operations in Iraq, and on a quarterly basis thereafter on the progress made towards the fulfilment of all UNAMI’s responsibilities; and

7. Decides to remain seized of the matter.

Link, http://www.un.org/Docs/sc/unsc_resolutions07.htm, consultado a 29 de Agosto de 2007.

"Pourquoi je suis allé en Irak". "La France peut et doit contribuer à apporter un regard nouveau sur le pays". Bernard Kouchner

2007-08-29T01:29:00.003+01:00

Par Bernard Kouchner, ministre des Affaires étrangères
QUOTIDIEN : lundi 27 août 2007

Que dire de l’Irak d’aujourd’hui dont je reviens ? C’est un Irak «démocratique» - doté d’une Constitution adoptée par référendum et du suffrage universel direct - mais en guerre contre lui-même. C’est un Irak libéré d’une dictature sanglante - qui a tué deux à quatre millions de personnes - où néanmoins le sang n’en finit pas de couler. C’est un Irak paradoxal, cloisonné, comme le sont les esprits et les cœurs : une zone verte ultra-protégée, à Bagdad, une région kurde plus stable et tout le reste en proie au déchaînement de la haine et de la violence, qui a poussé quatre millions de réfugiés et de déplacés sur le chemin de l’exil, et continue à faire près de deux mille morts par mois.
Pourquoi y être allé ? Pour écouter tous les Irakiens - Chiites, Kurdes, Sunnites, chrétiens - sans exclusive. Ecouter pour sentir, comprendre, mais aussi affirmer le soutien total de notre pays à l’objectif de réconciliation nationale, à la nécessité d’un dialogue politique «inclusif». J’ai tenu à rencontrer tous les acteurs et j’ai senti chez eux un profond besoin d’être reconnus, d’avoir un contact renouvelé avec la France et l’Europe. Les Irakiens, isolés depuis trop longtemps, ont le sentiment d’être abandonnés par la communauté internationale. Après des années de glose sur la présence américaine, il est temps de s’occuper des Irakiens.
Ensuite, pour marquer le retour de la France là où se joue une part de notre avenir et de celui de nos enfants. Même si nous avons conservé une ambassade à Bagdad, grâce à des personnels courageux, notre regard politique s’était détourné. Aucun ministre des Affaires étrangères ne s’y était rendu depuis 1988. Or, notre pays jouit de responsabilités particulières comme membre permanent du Conseil de sécurité des Nations unies. Il ne peut ignorer cette crise majeure qui affecte non seulement l’Irak, mais menace également la stabilité de la région et bien au-delà. C’est une crise emblématique de toutes celles qui troublent le monde. On ne peut s’en désintéresser au prétexte que le pays est en proie à une culture de violence où l’assassinat comme fin politique est monnaie courante. On ne peut se détourner des Irakiens parce qu’ils ont été, contre notre gré, libérés puis contraints par les forces alliées des Américains et des Britanniques. L’Irak est au cœur d’enjeux mondiaux : affrontements entre et au sein des communautés, intolérance et fanatisme religieux, conflits de civilisation, influences ambivalentes des pays voisins y compris dans un contexte de prolifération nucléaire, globalisation du terrorisme.
Enfin, je suis allé honorer, dès mon arrivée à Bagdad, le 19 août, quatre ans jour pour jour après l’attentat contre le siège des Nations unies en Irak, la mémoire de mon ami Sergio Vieira de Mello et de 21 de ses collaborateurs, dont plusieurs avaient travaillé avec moi au Kosovo. Au-delà de l’émotion, ce geste se voulait une invite à un renouveau indispensable du rôle de l’ONU en Irak. Que peut faire la France pour aider ce pays meurtri à retrouver l’espoir ? D’abord être modeste. Qui pourrait croire que nous avons une formule magique ? Comme l’indiquait un responsable irakien à qui je demandais quel rôle la France pouvait jouer, «elle peut déjà offrir a fresh look, un nouveau regard».
Chacun le sait, la France n’a pas soutenu l’intervention de la Coalition en 2003. De fait, même si celle-ci a permis d’abattre une dictature sanguinaire, la méthode employée pour bâtir un Irak sûr et démocratique n’a pas été la bonne. C’est le moins que l’on puisse dire. Le bilan est terrible. Il faut tourner la page, s’y prendre autrement. Il n’existe pas de solution militaire durable à cette crise, mais seulement une solution politique. Si les Irakiens eux-mêmes, y compris les plus hostiles à la présence américaine, ne souhaitent pas un départ immédiat des troupes étrangères, leur retrait, néanmoins, doit être programmé, en concertation avec les autorités irakiennes. Dans le même temps, un large gouvernement d’union nationale doit voir le jour, pour lequel la France est prête à apporter son concours de médiation. Oui, la France peut contribuer à apporter un regard nouveau. Elle le peut d’autant plus qu’elle n’a pas pris part à l’intervention de 2003, mais qu’elle est restée, depuis, aux côtés du peuple irakien, en zone rouge. Elle le peut d’autant mieux qu’elle est liée à l’Irak par une ancienne amitié et qu’elle y jouit du plus large spectre de contacts avec toutes les communautés. Et que nous sommes les alliés, parfois difficiles, des Américains - comme le sont les vrais amis.
La France, premier pays occidental non-membre de la Coalition à déléguer en Irak son ministre des Affaires étrangères depuis 2003, peut contribuer à construire une nouvelle approche au service de la paix à laquelle les Nations unies et l’Union européenne doivent donner corps. La France appuie les initiatives internationales qui amorcent un traitement politique et international de la crise. L’élargissement du rôle des Nations Unies, décidé par la Résolution 1770, le 10 août, va dans le bon sens. Il faut le rendre effectif. Il faut aussi que les pays voisins sortent de leur ambivalence pour devenir des acteurs crédibles d’une sortie de crise. Rien de solide ne pourra se faire sans eux. Le processus lancé à Charm el-Cheikh en mai est positif, les dispositions concrètes qu’il prévoit doivent être mises en œuvre sans délai, notamment les trois groupes de travail qui touchent à des sujets déterminants - l’énergie, les réfugiés, la sécurité - et déboucher dès que possible sur des mesures concrètes. L’Irak en paix avec lui-même n’est pas un rêve inaccessible. Beaucoup d’efforts, de lucidité, de conviction pourront en faire une réalité. A condition que nous en ayons tous le courage. Craignons le pire si nous nous dérobons.
Fonte, http://www.liberation.fr/rebonds/274342.FR.php, consultado a 29 de Agosto de 2007.

© Libération

Livro 2004 / Dois Livros sobre Sergio Vieira de Mello Alto Comissário da ONU para os Direitos Humanos

2007-08-24T05:59:00.004+01:00

__"Sergio Vieira de Mello, un espoir foudroyé"
par Jean-Claude Buhrer et Claude B. Levenson *

Le 19 août 2003 l'attentat contre le siège de l'organisation des Nations unies à Bagdad coûta la vie au Brésilien Sergio Vieira de Mello, qui avait accepté la mission que le secrétaire général des Nations unies, Kofi Annan, lui avait demandé d'assumer. Avec sa disparition, non seulement l'Irak sombrait lentement dans la violence, mais le Haut Commissariat aux droits de l'homme était décapité.
D'abord au Haut Commissariat pour les réfugiés, puis administrateur des Nations unies au Timor-Oriental de 1999 à 2002, Sergio Vieira de Mello a été en première ligne de presque toutes les crises où les Nations unies ont été appelées à la rescousse, du Bangladesh au Kosovo, en passant par le Soudan ou encore le Cambodge. Homme de terrain, il était conscient plus que quiconque des carences de l'Onu et de ses limites pour appréhender des crises comme celle de l'Irak.
A la veille de son départ pour Bagdad, il insistait sur la nécessité de "transformer radicalement le rapport existant entre la sécurité et les droits de l'homme. Ce qui a manqué, c'est un moyen […] de reconnaître que les violations flagrantes des droits de l'homme sont bien souvent au coeur de l'insécurité interne et internationale". Vieira de Mello disparu, qui saura avancer des idées pour sortir la Commission des droits de l'homme du bourbier dans lequel elle semble inexorablement s'enliser ?
A travers deux entretiens inédits, c'est l'itinéraire d'un grand commis des Nations unies aux prises avec ses propres contradictions que présentent les auteurs.
Envoyé spécial du quotidien Le Monde à la Conférence de Durban en 2001, Jean-Claude Buhrer est journaliste. II a régulièrement couvert les travaux de la Commission des droits de l'homme des Nations unies en tant que correspondant permanent auprès des Nations unies à Genève. Orientaliste de formation, Claude B. Levenson est écrivain et traductrice.(..).
*(Jean-Claude Buhrer et Claude B. Levenson, Sergio Vieira de Mello, un espoir foudroyé. – Paris : Mille et une nuits, 2004. – 199 p., 20 cm. – ISBN 2-84205-826-7)

__"Sergio Vieira de Mello, un homme exceptionnel"

George Gordon-Lennox et Annick *

Sergio Vieira de Mello, un homme exceptionnel : le livre, édité en français et en anglais par les éditions du Tricorne, à Genève, retrace sa vie, ses missions, et donne la parole à ceux qui l'ont côtoyé.
"Incrédulité, colère, émotion, effroi, profonde tristesse Quels que soient leur nationalité, leur pays d'attache, le service ou l'agence auquel ils sont rattachés, les fonctionnaires de l'ONU ont tous partagé ces mêmes sentiments ce 19 août 2003, ressenti comme "notre 11 septembre à nou". Un événement qui a largement dépassé le cadre de l'Organisation, et a été vécu comme une onde de choc à l'échelle planétaire, comme en ont témoigné des dizaines de milliers de messages de condoléances reçus du monde entier. Des personnes nullement engagées dans l'humanitaire ou les droits de l'homme, ne connaissant rien au monde de la diplomatie ou des affaires internationales, ont été abasourdies, déboussolées, par cet attentat dirigé contre Sergio Vieira de Mello et son équipe. Des centaines d'anonymes, qui n'avaient jamais entendu parler de lui auparavant, impressionnées par les hommages publics rendus après son décès, ont regretté ne pas avoir croisé son chemin.
"Nous avons eu cette chance. A diverses étapes de sa carrière, nous avons travaillé aux côtés de cet homme gai et généreux, qui portait un regard différent aux autres, et dont la disparition nous est apparue encore plus cruelle. Pour aider le public à mieux connaître ce "Meneur de paix", nous avons accepté la demande d'un éditeur suisse, Serge Kaplun, d'écrire un livre sur lui. Assorti de témoignages et commentaires d'autres collègues et amis, ce livre-hommage, qui n'est ni une biographie ni un recueil historique, retrace les principales étapes de son parcours professionnel. Nous espérons ainsi que nos lecteurs, surtout les jeunes qui pourraient en être inspirés, comprennent que l'ONU, en dépit de ses tares et ses imperfections, a aussi des raisons d'être suffisamment valables pour mériter d'y consacrer sa vie, comme l'a fait Sergio - non pas pour jouer les héros, mais parce qu'il y croyait". George Gordon-Lennox et Annick Stevenson (...).
*(George Gordon-Lennox et Annick Stevenson, Sergio Vieira de Mello : un homme exceptionnel. – Genève : Éditions du Tricorne, 2004. – 143 p., 25 cm. – ISBN 2-8293-0266-4. – En appendice, choix de textes de Sergio Vieira de Mello)

Link,http://www.aidh.org/lirecoutevoir/livr-demello.htm,consultado a 24 de Agosto de 2007

Homenagem de Bernard Kouchner a Sergio Vieira de Mello, Nadia Younes, Jean-Sélim Kanaan, Fiona Watson, mortos no Iraque a 19 de Agosto de 2003

2007-08-22T00:59:00.000+01:00

Bernard Kouchner dépose le 19 août 2007 à Bagdad une gerbe de fleurs sur le monument commémorant la mort de Sergio Vieira de Mello et de 21 autres personnes, dans un attentat à Bagdad, le 19 août 2003

Ahmad al-Rubaye AFP
le 19 août 2007

La date n'a pas été choisie au hasard. Si Bernard Kouchner s'est rendu un 19 août à Bagdad, c'était pour rendre hommage à un de ses amis, Sergio Vieira de Mello. Dès son arrivée sur le sol irakien, Le ministre des Affaires étrangères, accompagné de son homologue irakien Hoshyar Zebari, est allé immédiatement déposer une gerbe devant un monument commémorant la mort du représentant de l'ONU en Irak, Sergio Vieira de Mello et de 21 autres personnes, dans un attentat à Bagdad, le 19 août 2003. Bernard Kouchner a également tenu à rendre un hommage tout particulier à Nadia Younes, Fiona Watson et Jean-Sélim Kanaan, tous trois membres de son équipe lorsqu'il était administrateur de l'ONU au Kosovo. La cérémonie s'est déroulée devant le siège de l'ONU, au coeur de la «zone verte», le secteur étroitement protégé de Bagdad qui abrite les responsables militaires et diplomatiques américains, et les institutions irakiennes. Après l'attentat de 2003, l'ONU avait réduit sa présence en Irak, mais le Conseil de sécurité a récemment décidé de renforcer le mandat de la Mission d'assistance de l'ONU en Irak (Manui). Interrogé par l'AFP sur l'accroissement du rôle de l'ONU en Irak, Bernard Kouchner a répondu: «Je l'espère, cela dépend beaucoup des Irakiens, beaucoup plus que de nous. Si cela ne tenait qu'à la France, l'ONU aurait un rôle important en Irak.»

French Foreign Minister Bernard Kouchner (C) arrives with his Iraqi counterpart Hoshyar Zebari (R) at a memorial monument at the UN headquarters in Baghdad's Green Zone during a surprise visit to Iraq, August 19, 2007. The visit coincides with the fourth anniversary of a massive bomb attack in 2003 on the United Nations headquarters in Baghdad during which UN special envoy Sergio Vieira de Mello died. De Mello was a friend of Kouchner. REUTERS/Ahmad Al-Rubaye/Pool

French Foreign Minister Bernard Kouchner (R) lays a wreath on a memorial monument at the UN headquarters in Baghdad's Green Zone during a surprise visit to Iraq, August 19, 2007. REUTERS/Ahmad Al-Rubaye/Pool

Iraqi Foreign Minister Hoshyar Zebari (2nd R) lays a wreath during a memorial attended by his French counterpart Bernard Kouchner (R) at the UN headquarters in Baghdad's fortified Green Zone, August 19, 2007. REUTERS/Ahmad Al-Rubaye/Pool

French Foreign Minister Bernard Kouchner (L) and his Iraqi counterpart Hoshyar Zebari attend a memorial at the UN headquarters in Baghdad. Kouchner met leaders from Iraq's bitterly divided communities, as Iraqi Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki urged Paris to support his embattled government.(AFP/Ahmad Al Rubaye)

French Foreign Minister Bernard Kouchner and German deputy special representative of the UN Secretary-General, Michael von der Schulenburg, (R) attend a memorial at the UN headquarters in Baghdad's Green Zone during a surprise visit to Iraq, August 19, 2007. The visit coincides with the fourth anniversary of a massive bomb attack in 2003 on the United Nations headquarters in Baghdad during which UN special envoy Sergio Vieira de Mello died. De Mello was a friend of Kouchner. REUTERS/Ahmad Al-Rubaye/Pool

Link,http://www.20minutes.fr/article/175450/Monde-L-hommage-de-Bernard-Kouchner-a-Sergio-Vieira-de-Mello.php, consultado a 21 de Agosto 2007.

In Memoriam Sergio Vieira de Mello and his colleagues. Fourth anniversary of the attack on the UN in Baghdad. UN Secretary-General's Message

2007-08-20T02:25:00.002+01:00

The Secretary-General's Remarks at Baghdad bombing Commemoration Ceremony
New York, 17 August 2007
UN Secretary-General's Message

The bombing of the Canal Hotel on 19 August 2003 remains one of the UN’s darkest days. Four years on, our hearts remain heavy.We have lost colleagues before in the line of duty. But this was the first time the United Nations was deliberately targeted on such a massive scale. The bomb detonated at our Baghdad headquarters robbed us of our best and brightest and injured many more, but it also shattered any illusion that the UN’s ideals and impartiality permitted us to operate above the fray in Iraq. The bombers shook us to the very core, yet they could not shake our ideals: our values, our commitment, our resolve; these are all unchanged.Today, those very ideals, that same resolve, guide our work for peace, whether in Darfur or Dili, in Beirut or Baghdad. This work is our ultimate and lasting tribute to our fallen friends. It is how we honour their memory every day, wherever a blue flag flies. The Security Council’s recent decision to renew and strengthen UNAMI’s mandate is an opportunity to carry forward the work of Sergio Viera de Mello and his colleagues. Yet I understand the fears and concerns some staff may have about any expansion. That is why I affirm to you today that any such measure remains strictly subject to conditions on the ground – your safety is and always will be a paramount concern. At the same time, the terrorists who struck so cruelly in Baghdad must, one day, be brought to justice. There can be no impunity for such murderers.On this sombre anniversary, my thoughts go out to the survivors of the Baghdad bombing, and to the families of those who died. And I pay tribute to the brave men and women who continue to serve the United Nations, in Iraq and beyond.
Link, http://www.un.org/events/memorial/19august/2007/sg.html , consultado a 19 de Agosto de 2007

O Brasil e o terrorismo:O atentado contra o escritório da ONU em Bagdá e as reações no Brasil

2007-08-19T23:08:00.011+01:00

O Brasil e o terrorismo:
O atentado contra o escritório da ONU em Bagdá e as reações no Brasil
Paulo Roberto de Almeida*
(*Doutor em Ciências Sociais, diplomata, autor de vários trabalhos sobre relações internacionais e política externa do Brasil).
Artigo publicado na Revista Espaço Académico - Nº28 - Setembro de 2003 - ISSN 1519.6186

Foi preciso, helàs, a trágica morte de um brasileiro trabalhando numa posição de destaque no plano internacional – a do funcionário da ONU Sérgio Vieira de Mello, em Bagdá, no dia 19 de agosto de 2003 – para despertar no Brasil e nos brasileiros um verdadeiro sentimento de horror, suscitando reações de justa indignação, de nítida rejeição ao ato bárbaro e de sincera comiseração pela perda de uma vida devotada à causa humanitária.

Um atentado que se ouviu no Brasil

Devemos em primeiro lugar lembrar que Sérgio Vieira de Mello não foi o único sacrificado pela fúria suicidária e genocida dos terroristas que explodiram um carro bomba junto ao escritório da ONU em Bagdá: junto com ele pereceram pelo menos 20 outras pessoas, além de muitos outros feridos. Caberia também registrar que a comoção no Brasil deveu-se, em parte, a um erro da imprensa internacional – e brasileira – ao identificar, primeiramente, Sérgio Vieira de Mello como um “diplomata brasileiro”, quando ele, na verdade, era apenas brasileiro e “estava” diplomata pela natureza de suas funções desempenhadas na última fase de sua vida. Filho de pai diplomata cassado pelo regime de 1964, ele viveu muito pouco no Brasil e tornou-se um burocrata internacional praticamente desde o início de sua vida profissional, trabalhando para o escritório de refugiados da ONU, com sede em Genebra. Conheci pessoalmente Sérgio Vieira de Mello em Genebra no final dos anos 1980, e minha esposa chegou a dar aulas de Portugês e de cultura brasileira a seus dois filhos, que eram franceses mas que ele pretendia “transformar” em brasileiros, ou pelo menos mais conhecedores da língua e das coisas do Brasil.

Mas esse parênteses não vem ao caso agora, pois eu estava comentando que sua identificação equivocada como “diplomata brasileiro” gerou uma bem-vinda torrente de manifestações de solidariedade e de condolências em direção das autoridades brasileiras, que se movimentaram rapidamente para prestar uma última homenagem a um funcionário internacional que, finalmente, teve muito pouco a ver com o Brasil, e muito pouco a dever ao Brasil, ao longo de uma carreira exemplar de servidor da ONU. Pela natureza de suas funções, desde as missões nos Balcãs, depois no Timor Leste e finalmente no Iraque, ele efetivamente era um diplomata internacional, ainda que suas missões anteriores tenham tido um caráter mais técnico-humanitário do que propriamente diplomático. Ele era, desde junho de 2003, o enviado especial do Secretário-Geral da ONU em missão no Iraque, no desempenho, portanto de funções “diplomáticas”, em licença de seu cargo de Alto Comissário das Nações Unidas para os Direitos Humanos, uma função bem mais burocrática, mas que também exige altas doses de diplomacia, pois que implicando um tratamento sensível e delicado de atentados aos direitos humanos num contexto inter-estatal no qual a soberania dos países membros ainda não encontra limitações de fato.
Ele poderia ter se tornado um “diplomata brasileiro”, se o golpe sofrido por seu pai, em 1969, não tivesse alimentado em Sérgio uma certa reação contrária ao Brasil e seu serviço exterior. Compreende-se inteiramente, mas isto mais uma vez não vem ao caso neste texto que pretende, tão simplesmente, retomar o problema do terrorismo e o das reações que esse ato sucitou no Brasil, para daí fazer uma reflexão mais geral sobre a atitude de certos meios políticos em relação a esse tipo de ação política. Desejo, de toda forma, deixar registrada minha imensa dor, pessoal, não diplomática e de forma nenhuma “nacional”, pela perda de uma simples vida humana, que, no caso de Sérgio, era a de um funcionário intensamente engajado na defesa de certos princípios que ele tinha em alta conta, enquanto “cidadão do mundo”: a dignidade da vida humana, os esforços para minorar os sofrimentos de populações desprovidas de tudo, o resgate dos sem defesa.

Ação e reação: algumas declarações infelizes

Sua morte trágica despertou, como vimos, as reações mais sentidas e sinceras de dor e, em vista da associação efetuada nos meios políticos e na imprensa internacional, uma vinculação com o Brasil que nunca tinha de fato existido durante suas funções como funcionário da ONU. O presidente Lula declarou três dias de luto oficial no Brasil e as embaixadas foram instruídas a abrir livros de condolências para recolhimento de mensagens e assinaturas. O avião presidencial foi buscar o seu corpo em Bagdá, recolheu a família em Genebra para o memorial em sua homenagem no Rio de Janeiro antes de levá-lo de volta a Genebra para o sepultamento. Estas as informações quanto ao caso em si, que ocupou boa parte da penúltima semana do mês de agosto.

Vejamos agora algumas outras informações do lado das reações ao atentado. Segundo o Informe da Liderança do PT na Câmara dos Deputados, do dia 20 de agosto, para o deputado Paulo Delgado (PT-MG), Sérgio Vieira de Mello “É mais uma vítima do ódio e da animosidade que a política atual dos Estados Unidos impôs à ONU nos países do Oriente Médio”. Ouso arriscar dizer, com base nessas declarações do deputado, que se o atentado tivesse sido feito unicamente contra alvos militares americanos – contra o quartel general das forças americanas no Iraque, por exemplo – a comoção e o sentimento de horror contra atos desse tipo não teriam sido tão grandes e talvez tivessem sido até “justificados”, como “reação”, quem sabe “legítima”, à política de ocupação.

Não quero com isso afirmar que o deputado encontre qualquer justificativa moral em atos bárbaros como esse cometido contra o escritório da ONU e seus funcionários, mas ouso afirmar, sim, que ele revela uma disposição, talvez inconsciente, em classificar atos de terrorismo segundo o destinatário e as circunstâncias. Digo isto porque estou até hoje chocado com o que li na imprensa brasileira no imediato seguimento dos atentados terroristas contra o World Trade Center em Nova York e contra o Pentágono em Washington, que fizeram mais de três mil vítimas inocentes. Desejo expor estas poucas informações antes de retomar o fio de minhas reflexões sobre o terrorismo e seu “acolhimento” em certos meios políticos do Brasil.

No próprio dia, ou no dia seguinte aos bárbaros atentados, a imprensa nacional recolheu declarações do deputado estadual Roque Grazziotin (PT-RS), segundo as quais o parlamentar considerava o atentado a “conseqüência do processo de dominação” norte-americana no mundo (O Estado de São Paulo, 12.09.01). Outro deputado do PT gaúcho, Edson Portilho, disse que, “por coerência”, lamentava que “milhares de vidas tenham sido ceifadas” nos Estados Unidos, mas comparou o atentado a outros episódios em que o governo norte-americano foi responsável: “São as mesmas cenas que o mundo repudiou no Vietnã e no Oriente Médio e que foram patrocinadas pelos Estados Unidos”, afirmou. Por sua vez, a então deputada estadual (hoje federal) Luciana Genro disse que “essa tragédia é de responsabilidade do governo norte-americano, porque os Estados Unidos promovem o terrorismo de Estado no mundo inteiro” (OESP, 12.09.01).

Mais algumas declarações recolhidas pela mesma reportagem do jornal paulista: o Sindicato dos Bancários de Porto Alegre, filiado à CUT, distribuiu uma nota com o seguinte título: “Atentados em Nova York: trabalhadores continuarão combatendo o imperialismo”. No texto, os sindicalistas afirmaram que, “numa consulta a lideranças políticas e sindicais”, concluíram que “a unanimidade das lideranças condena esse tipo de iniciativa, cuja grande massa de vítimas são inocentes. No entanto, também há um consenso de que a política externa dos Estados Unidos é um agente provocador de tal reação”. Por fim, o presidente estadual do PT-RS, Silvino Heck, disse que respeitava “as posições dos movimentos sociais” e concordava que o episódio “nos obriga a repensar a política americana”, mas considerava “injustificável qualquer ato de terrorismo”. Ainda assim, ele condenou antecipadamente a decisão americana de retaliar o atentado (Idem).

Estas são “explicações” que tentam racionalizar ou mesmo “justificar” os atos terroristas, colocando a responsabilidade primeira sobre os ombros da potência imperial. Existe também outro tipo de “racionalização” desse tipo de atentado – quando cometido contra um alvo “imperialista”, entende-se – que tenta minimizar os bárbaros fatos que ceifam vidas inocentes em nome de não se sabe bem qual causa política. Assim, por exemplo, o então deputado (hoje senador) Aloízio Mercadante (PT-SP), secretário de Relações Internacionais do partido, minimizou a importância dos atentados. Para ele, não se deve “exagerar na dimensão do episódio. Qualquer terremoto ou furacão na Flórida faz mais vítimas e provoca estragos muito maiores” (Jornal da Tarde, 18.09.01). Esse tipo de afirmação é no mínimo insensível e, em última instância, revela um certo desprezo pela perda de vidas humanas, quando resultando de algum tipo de “enfrentamento político” que possa colocar num dos lados da balança o tradicional “opressor imperialista”.

O terrorismo à la carte: a caracterização depende da vítima

Pois bem, a questão que eu desejo tratar neste texto é, como disse ao começo, a das reações brasileiras ao terrorismo e o problema do “acolhimento” que ele encontra em certos meios políticos do Brasil quando cometido em determinadas circunstâncias que o tornam – ou parecem tornar – politicamente “palatável”. Não é necessário para isso voltar a expor determinados “fatos” e outras tantas “declarações”, relativamente, por exemplo, ao terrorismo utilizado pelas FARC – ou outras forças políticas – na Colômbia ou ainda à infernal sucessão de atentados suicidas palestinos, retaliações israelenses e novos atos de terror cometidos pelos grupos mais extremistas. Vou deixar de lado, para tal efeito, outras evidências tocantes a atentados e grupos terroristas ativos em determinados países ou regiões – país basco, Irlanda do Norte, Chechênia, Sri Lanka, etc – para concentrar-me em suas manifestações especificamente anti-americanas e fundamentalistas islâmicas.

Para isso retomo uma afirmação anterior minha: se o atentado de Bagdá tivesse envolvido unicamente alvos americanos, ainda que de forma igualmente cruel e suicidária, é possível que não apenas ele tivesse provocado uma certa negligência em relação a seus resultados em termos de vidas humanas, como talvez tivesse suscitado algumas declarações absolutamente inaceitáveis como as que registramos mais acima em relação aos atentados de 2001, todas no sentido da racionalização, da minimização, ou mesmo da justificação, quando não no da “compensação” (provavelmente por algum “crime imperialista” previamente cometido).

Confesso minha surpresa, ou talvez minha incompreensão, ao deparar-me com esse tipo de manifestação “política”: um certo anti-imperialismo primário, que se desdobra em anti-americanismo visceral, consegue embotar determinadas mentes, que aparentemente não se dão conta de que estão coonestando os mais bárbaros atentados aos direitos humanos (no plano individual) ou aos direitos civis de grupos humanos (quando organizados contra países e sociedades), ao mesmo tempo em que, aqueles que assim procedem, conseguem ser condescendentes com forças reacionárias ou absolutamente intolerantes no plano da civilização humana, desde o Iluminismo pelo menos.

Gostaria, em todo caso, de fazer uma distinção entre, de um lado, as “velhas” formas de luta política, que foram utilizadas em diversos continentes para a conquista do poder, e que envolviam até mesmo o uso da força militar e de atentados taticamente dirigidos contra autoridades do “aparelho repressor do Estado burguês”, e, de outro, as novas modalidades de atentados terroristas cujos “objetivos (pretensamente) estratégicos” superam quaisquer considerações táticas para o atingimento de “fins” que se revelam dúbios quando não absolutamente indeterminados.

Cada um tem o terrorista que merece: uma questão de semântica?

Na América Latina, por exemplo, a luta política envolveu meios táticos – até mesmo alguns atentados – para atingir objetivos ditos estratégicos – a tomada do poder – com o recurso clássico aos métodos “consagrados” nessa área: luta guerrilheira, golpe de estado, quartelada, greves gerais, enfim, o cenário habitual assistido pelas duas últimas gerações de militantes revolucionários. Na passagem do século 19 ao 20, ações levadas a cabo por anarquistas envolveram um certo recurso a métodos “terroristas”, mas eram em geral atentados contra dirigentes políticos, resultado em algumas poucas vítimas civis. No decorrer do século 20, porém, a luta guerrilheira respeitou no mais das vezes as “leis da guerra”, ainda que em determinadas ocasiões os setores dirigentes tenham acusado os responsáveis políticos de tais grupos de serem “terroristas”. Assim ocorreu até mesmo no Brasil, quando, no auge da luta político-militar contra o regime ditatorial, a censura à imprensa então reinante obrigava o uso da expressão “terrorista” em lugar do preferido pelos próprios combatentes de esquerda, o de “guerrilheiros”.

De fato, no Brasil, tivemos muito poucos atentados terroristas e os que de fato ocorreram estiveram em geral associados à extrema direita ou mesmo ao aparelho militar de segurança e repressão. Não preciso lembrar alguns episódios de triste memória, como o atentado do Riocentro, em 1981, um “acidente de trabalho” que vitimou os próprios perpetradores, dois militares a serviço do aparelho repressor da ditadura, ou ainda a carta-bomba encaminhada à OAB-RJ, assim como várias outras bombas suspeitas, que eram invariavelmente atribuídos a “terroristas de esquerda”.

Por sua vez, os guerrilheiros urbanos de esquerda (apenas “patriotas equivocados” no entender do Partidão) passaram praticamente o tempo todo assaltando bancos para se municiarem de recursos (“expropriação”), seqüestrando diplomatas para exigir a libertação de companheiros presos ou então cometendo alguns pouco atentados tópicos para efeitos de “propaganda revolucionária”. Tal foi o caso, por exemplo, do atentado a carro bomba contra o quartel-general do II Exército em São Paulo (1968), que vitimou um único soldado, por despreparo deste último em lidar com esse tipo de situação. Num outro caso, mais rumoroso e politicamente contestável, foi assassinado a sangue frio um capitão do Exército americano que estava dando “assistência técnica” a seus colegas brasileiros em táticas de luta anti-guerrilheira. Quanto à guerrilha rural, nenhum dos grupos foi muito adiante e a única tentativa mais estruturada – a do PcdoB, no Araguaia – não tinha a mínima chance de crescer política ou territorialmente até ser esmagada por forças superiores do “exército burguês”.

As muitas sombras na América Latina: da guerrilha ao narcotráfico

Nos demais países, igualmente, a guerrilha – foi o caso obviamente de Cuba, da Nicarágua, de El Salvador, do Peru, da Venezuela, e até certo ponto da Colômbia – observou táticas tipicamente “guevaristas” até ser igualmente derrotada ou reconverter-se na luta política. Os países do Cone Sul conheceram métodos tipicamente urbanos, com poucos ensaios de colunas rurais e algum recurso aos assassinatos políticos (Tupamaros e Montoneros, por exemplo). Foram poucos os casos de desvio para a criminalidade política, para a associação com grupos de narcotraficantes (quando não o exercício direto da atividade) ou para o uso tópico ou extensivo do terrorismo, como ocorreu nos casos mais recentes do Sendero Luminoso, no Peru, ou das FARC, na Colômbia.

Nestes casos extremos, do Sendero Luminoso e das FARC colombianas, nos quais tornou-se notória a criminalidade e a falta de legitimidade política de grupos aos quais já não mais se pode dar o nome de movimentos políticos, não deveria haver nenhuma ambiguidade política por parte dos demais grupos de esquerda no sentido da condenação mais explícita e declarada. O “objetivo” – de toda forma distante – da conquista do poder político não pode mais justificar o emprego de meios criminosos que acabam sacrificando a população no altar de justificativas difusas e de toda forma desprovidas de um mínimo de legitimidade social.

Esses bandos armados passam a viver dos próprios empreendimentos criminosos, que já não seriam justificáveis nem como meros instrumentos da “acumulação de forças”, pois eles acabaram se convertendo, praticamente, no único “negócio” praticado pelos novos senhores da guerra: extorsões, seqüestros, julgamentos sumários e fuzilamentos, produção e transporte de drogas, sem descartar o emprego de atentados de tipo terrorista, já que envolvendo a explosão de lugares públicos com a perda de vidas civis inocentes. Não há dúvida que as regras da guerra foram rompidas, em que pese as justificativas alegadamente políticas – travestidas em linguajar político de “esquerda” – que são mobilizadas para legitimar movimentos desprovidos de qualquer legitimação social.

Um outro universo, um outro terror: o estoque infindável de bombas-humanas

A despeito desses exemplos ignominiosos para uma consciência de “esquerda”, o emprego do terror permanece limitado nos países ocidentais. Outra realidade e outra dimensão têm as ações de grupos fundamentalistas islâmicos, num arco de países que vai do Magreb africano ao Pacífico, passando pelo Oriente Médio, algumas partes da Ásia central e diferentes regiões do sul da Ásia. Não por acaso esse mesmo arco corresponde ao espectro civilizacional islâmico e aqui quero deixar bem claro que não pretendo ser politicamente correto nem exercer qualquer tipo de relativismo histórico.

Pois bem: assim como existe um “anti-capitalismo” visceral, entranhado em várias correntes de nossas esquerdas (que no mais das vezes são absolutamente inocentes de quaisquer ações “criminosas” conduzidas em nome dessa ideologia, ainda que possam ser politicamente estúpidas, aliás como muitos grupos de extrema direita), existe, quero crer, um “anti-humanismo” visceral, irredutível, entranhado em diversos grupos religiosos de extração islâmica ou associados às formas mais integristas desse culto. As bombas, neste caso, são um elemento puramente residual: de resto, existem muito menos bombas disponíveis do que candidatos ao martírio purificador.

Não se trata neste caso de simplesmente preconizar a violência armada para lograr certos fins políticos. Alguns dirigentes do MST, por exemplo, parecem acreditar que estão em Petrogrado, em 1917, às vésperas do assalto ao Palácio de Inverno, e para isso preparam suas “tropas”, num cenário de “embate” futuro contra as forças da burguesia e do latifúndio. Tudo isso é, posto de forma benigna, ingenuidade ou, no máximo, burrice consumada, mas não se pode acusar os dirigentes de tal grupo de praticarem o terrorismo político ou atentados indiscriminados. Eles seguem o antigo padrão leninista e maoísta da conquista do poder, mas parecem diretamente saídos de um velho filme do Eisenstein e conseguem ser tão desfocados e ridiculamente maniqueístas quanto os antigos manuais stalinistas do materialismo dialético.

Eu estou me referindo ao “moderno” terrorismo fundamentalista que, salvo um ou outro caso esparso na rude geografia dos “novos bárbaros”, se revela ser basicamente de inspiração – se tal conceito pode ser usado neste caso – islâmica. Não me consta, por exemplo, que bascos, irlandeses ou colombianos estejam se explodindo a si mesmos todo dia, ou planejando mortes gratuítas em escala “industrial”. O culto da morte não só existe como é consagrado na promessa do paraíso eterno para os “mártires” da causa, paraíso bem estranho para os padrões usualmente recatados da separação sexual na vida terrena, pois que providos de incontáveis virgens para os prazeres do guerreiro.

Uma miopia voluntária ou incapacidade de realizar certas distinções?

A esquerda brasileira não parece ter refletido sobre o terrorismo especificamente islâmico e não me consta que dela tenha emergido uma condenação in totum desse tipo de “luta política”. Na verdade, não vejo como atribuir-se a classificação de “luta política” a ações armadas cujo único objetivo é precisamente esse: infundir o terror, com base numa distinção étnica ou religiosa que nos remete aos piores momentos das guerras de religião, das cruzadas de reconquista ou do genocídio hitlerista.

O fato é que o mundo reencontra, em pleno século 21, alguns velhos fantasmas da intolerância religiosa e do fanatismo político que pensávamos terem sido enterrados há muitos anos, ainda que tenhamos observado o recrudescimento da antiga hidra há menos de duas gerações, no coração da Europa “civilizada” e supostamente laicizada. Em todo caso, as manifestações mais brutais do fanatismo político e religioso – os “nossos” fundamentalistas não parecem tentados pela ação armada, ainda que em defesa da “vida” alguns tenham atentado contra a de outros – parecem hoje confinados a sociedades do arco islâmico que podem ser consideradas “falidas”.

Essa falência não é a de um grupo ou de uma seita, mas de todo um espectro político ou religioso – no Islã ambas as esferas se confundem – que se revela incapaz de realizar o salto para a modernidade. Independentemente da maior ou menor capacidade de sociedades islâmicas específicas realizarem a transição para um conjunto de normas baseadas no “contrato social”, que por sua vez fundamentam um poder político baseado na responsabilidade individual e na plena liberdade de crenças e de atitudes, a natureza dessa devoção religiosa sustenta uma atitude de intolerância e de exclusivismo que está na raiz do comportamento fundamentalista que por sua vez sustenta o terrorismo cego.

Tal postura precisa ser condenada sem qualquer ambigüidade no plano das idéias e suas manifestações práticas e atitudes suicidárias precisam ser combatidas sem qualquer hesitação, se necessário pela força, já que elas são capazes de impor sacrifícios terríveis a comunidades pacíficas (em alguns casos de sua própria sociedade, como revelado no caso bárbaro da guerra civil argelina). Contingências históricas das sociedades islâmicas – com a falência de seus estados não institucionalizados – levaram ao domínio do Ocidente sobre aquela região, com o que surgiu um tipo de terrorismo anti-ocidental que tenta encontrar o seu bode expiatório nessa dominação estrangeira (da qual Israel faria parte).

Capitalismo ou barbárie?: a difícil modernização do “despotismo oriental”

Os processos políticos de modernização são por vezes dolorosos, como revelado nas primeiras “revoluções burguesas” do Ocidente – com decapitação de reis, guerras civis devastadoras etc. – mas o terrorismo islâmico tampouco responde a esses surtos de adaptação a novas situações ou circunstâncias históricas. Ele é totalmente negativo, mesmo para as próprias sociedades que o abrigam e se situa inteiramente no terreno do nihilismo político e da negação de qualquer norma civilizada.

Isso não parece ter sido compreendido pelas forças políticas do Ocidente que são normalmente identificadas com a esquerda, em parte porque esses fundamentalistas também deblateram contra a dominação ocidental e o imperialismo americano, tradicionais demônios ideológicos da esquerda ocidental. Com isso elas acabam sendo coniventes com os piores crimes já cometidos contra civis inocentes de que se tem notícia e que não se resumem aos bárbaros atentados de setembro de 2001. A esquerda ocidental parece ter deixado lado certos imperativos morais que se colocam acima e além das conveniências políticas.

A cegueira mental e a irresponsabilidade política não se dá apenas no caso extremo do fundamentalismo islâmico, de certa forma condenado – ainda que de forma mais ou menos retórica e formal – por quase todos os grupos esclarecidos das sociedades modernas. Ele pode ocorrer em outros casos, também, de conseqüências igualmente trágicas para as sociedades envolvidas. Refiro-me, por exemplo, à fase inicial das guerras balcânicas, quando a pretexto de se opor à intervenção das forças da OTAN – sob comando dos EUA e supostamente a serviço da potência imperial – se permitiu que sérvios (e outros) levassem a efeito limpezas étnicas em certas regiões (Bósnia, Kossovo etc.), até que a indignidade dos atentados aos direitos humanos cometidos por Milosevic e sua tropa de esbirros praticamente obrigou as potências ocidentais a intervirem.

Como os europeus são de muito falar e pouco fazer, coube aos americanos parar com o banho de sangue, e ainda assim apenas sob pressão de sua própria opinião pública, pois se dependesse do comando político eles não teriam voltado a esse tipo de aventura, escaldados que foram por certas desventuras do passado (Líbano, Somália etc.). No caso da Ruanda, como falhou esse tipo de pressão – tanto por desinformação voluntária como por desinteresse – , mais de 500 mil pessoas morreram antes que fosse empreendida uma intervenção humanitária.

Lembro-me muito bem, naquela primeira fase das guerras balcânicas, na primeira metade dos anos 1990, como a esquerda européia realizou manifestações ruidosas contra a OTAN e contra qualquer intervenção militar na Iugoslávia, numa rara demonstração de cegueira política que chegou às raias da imbecilidade criminosa. De certa forma, a mesma coalizão de néscios se reproduziu em relação ao caso do Afeganistão e, com muito mais força, no caso do Iraque (independentemente do caráter mais ou menos ilegal da intervenção dos EUA contra Saddam Hussein).

A denúncia dos “crimes americanos” é atávica em certos grupos, ao mesmo tempo em que se passa sob silêncio todos os atentados aos direitos humanos – constantes, diários, insuportáveis – que se cometem em várias ditaduras do Terceiro Mundo, algumas aliás não muito distantes dos cenários mais amenos existentes nas capitais ocidentais. No próprio Brasil, aliás, o sentimento anti-americano parece ser disseminado, na imprensa e nos meios acadêmicos em geral, por razoes por vezes primárias, mas geralmente contraditórias. De fato, as mesmas pesquisas que indicam uma rejeição muito forte aos EUA e seus dirigentes – que podem ou não corresponder aos estereótipos – também confirmam uma aceitação acrítica de produtos, modismos e outros símbolos culturais da sociedade americana.

Alguns valores são universais, e até mesmo da mais remota antiguidade

Em resumo, os acadêmicos em geral, mas a esquerda em particular, precisa acordar para tomar consciência da leniência com que vem tratando o fenômeno da “luta política” de certos grupos fundamentalistas do arco islâmico. Ela não precisa fazê-lo em nome da “democracia burguesa” ou da “economia de mercado”, e muito menos em nome do “Ocidente capitalista”. Que ela o faça, tão simplesmente, em nome dos valores universais do Iluministmo, tais como existentes em sociedades laicas, tolerantes, ou simplesmente humanistas. Se desejar fazê-lo em nome do budismo, excelente também, pois a defesa da vida humana e dos princípios da liberdade não se resumem aos valores pertencentes ao arco civilizacional da ética judaico-cristã.

O cristianismo, por certo, herdou princípios de respeito à vida que derivam das regras ancestrais do velho judaísmo, mas outras religiões igualmente, como o budismo e outros cultos orientais, chegaram de forma independente à afirmação de normas morais que lograram superar práticas sacrificiais que não se restringem às antigas religiões, já que penetraram cultos com pretensão à universalidade. O secularismo, de toda forma, se fez em grande medida contra a intolerância religiosa e, por extensão, política. Não seria exagerado dizer que certas seitas políticas da nossa era apresentam um comportamento propriamente “religioso”.

O importante seria traçar uma linha moral entre o aceitável e o inaceitável na luta política. O primado do direito internacional e o respeito aos direitos humanos não são invenções burguesas estabelecidas para qualquer opressão de classe, eles são paradigmas do progresso humano num mundo que por vezes pode dar a impressão, pelo espetáculo de miséria ainda acumulada, de avanços apenas relativos nesses campos. Em face das cenas e atos tão bárbaros como os assistidos nos últimos anos e meses, não há como não proclamar-se: Abaixo a intolerância e o fanatismo! Viva a razão!

Artigo publicado na Revista Espaço Académico - Nº28 - Setembro de 2003 - ISSN 1519.6186
Link,http://www.espacoacademico.com.br/028/28pra.htm, consultado a 19 de Agosto de 2007

In Memoriam Sergio Vieira de Mello and the other twenty-one colleagues who lost their lives in the bombing of UN headquarters in Iraq 19 August 2003

2007-08-19T04:11:00.005+01:00

“In remembrance of those killed in Baghdad on 19 August 2003 in the service of the United Nations”

Name Age Nationality Position
*Sergio Vieira de Mello, 55 (Brazil):UN Secretary-general's special Iraqi envoy
*Saad Hermiz Abona, 45 (Iraq): working for UN contracting firm
*Renam Al-Farra, 29 (Jordan): an employee of the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs
*Raid Shaker Mustafa Al-Mahdawi, 32 (Iraq): United Nations Monitoring, Verification and Inspection Commission (UNMOVIC)
*Emaad Ahmed Salman Al-Jobary, 45 (Iraq): Electrician for UNMOVIC
*Omar Kahtan Mohamed Al-Orfali, 34(Iraq): Driver
*Leen Assad Al-Qadi, 32 (Iraq): UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs in Iraq (UNOHCI)
*Ranillo Buenaventura, 47 (Philippines): UNOHCI
*Gillian Clark, 47 (Canada): Christian Children's FundArthur Helton, 54 (United States): director of peace and conflict studies at the US Council on Foreign Relations.
*Richard Hooper, 40 (United States): UN Department of Political Affairs
*Reza Hosseini, 43 (Iran): employed by UN Office for the Humanitarian Coordinator in Iraq
*Ihsan Taha Husein, 26 (Iraq): UN driver for office of project services
*Jean-Sélim Kanaan, 33 (Egypt): Member of Vieira de Mello's staff
*Chris Klein-Beekman, 32 (Canada): UN Children's Fund's program coordinator
*Manuel Martín-Oar, 56 (Spain): naval captain, assistant to the Spanish special ambassador to Iraq
*Khidir Saleem Sahir, (Iraq): CivilianAlya Souza, 54 (Iraq): worked for the World Bank
*Martha Teas, 47 (United States): manager of UN humanitarian coordination office
*Basim Mahmoud Utaiwi, 40 (Iraq): Security guard for UNOHCI
*Fiona Watson, 35 (Britain): Member of Vieira de Mello's staff
*Nadia Younes, 57 (Egypt): Chief of Staff for Vieira de Mello

Sergio Vieira de Mello and Nadia Younes , Baghdad , 2003

UN Photo/Eskinder Debebe
Secretary-General Meets Families of Baghdad Bombing Victims Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon (right) meets with Laura Dolci Kanaan, widow of Jean-Sélim Kanaan and their son Mattia-Sélim Kanaan, Laurent and Adrian Vieira de Mello, sons of Sergio Vieira de Mello, his widow Annie Vieira de Mello, during a visit to the monument of the late Sergio Vieira de Mello, former Head of the United Nations Mission in Iraq, in Geneva, Switzerland. Location: Geneva, Switzerland Date: 01 July 2007

UN Photo/Eskinder Debebe
Secretary-General Meets Families of Baghdad Bombing Victims. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon (third from right), his wife Yoo Soon-taek (right), Sergei Ordzhonikidze (left), Director-General of the United Nations Office at Geneva (UNOG); Laura Dolci Kanaan, widow of Jean-Sélim Kanaan and their son Mattia-Sélim Kanaan; Laurent and Adrian Vieira de Mello, sons of Sergio Vieira de Mello and his widow Annie Vieira de Mello; families of the staff members killed in the Baghdad bombing of the UN Offices, visit the monument of Sergio Vieira de Mello, former Head of the United Nations Mission in Iraq, in Geneva, Switzerland. Location: Geneva, Switzerland Date: 01 July 2007

UN Photo/Eskinder Debebe
Secretary-General Meets Families of Baghdad Bombing Victims Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon (left), sculptor Zurab Tsereteli, and Sergei Ordzhonikidze (centre), Director-General of the United Nations Office at Geneva (UNOG), visit the monument of Sergio Vieira de Mello, former Head of UN Mission in Iraq, in Geneva, Switzerland. Location: Geneva, Switzerland Date: 01 July 2007

UN Photo/Mark Garten
Secretary-General Meets Wife of Former UN Senior Official Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon (right) meets with Annie Vieira de Mello, wife of the veteran UN diplomat, Sergio Vieira de Mello, former Special Representative of the Secretary-General for Iraq, who was killed in the 19 August 2003 Baghdad bombing of the UN office, at UN Headquarters in New York.Location: United Nations, New York Date: 15 March 2007
*Link,http://www.un.org/events/memorial/19august/photos.html, consultado a 19 de Agosto de 2007
*Link,http://www.tsereteli.ru/eng/news_i.php?code=1849, consultado em Agosto de 2007

Hope for Darfur

2007-07-25T19:48:00.000+01:00

Stand In for Peace in Darfur
Credits
The international community’s response to the crisis in Darfur has been slow, weak, piecemeal, and wholly inadequate. By standing in for Human Rights First’s Six Part Plan for Peace in Darfur, you are joining tens of thousands of other concerned global citizens who want to see the violence in Darfur end now. Our plan identifies six elements for ending the violence in Darfur: human security, the humanitarian effort, the peace process, political will, regional security, and foundations for the future. In the coming weeks and months, we will reach out to you at key moments to support action leading to an enduring peace in Darfur. For example, we will be releasing a report this fall that examines the close and problematic relationship between China and Sudan. China’s increasing presence and expanding economic interests in Sudan give it leverage with the Sudanese government in helping ensure peace in Darfur. We will ask you to raise your voices to make specific demands on China.Stand in for the victims of mass atrocities in Darfur and help us to build a lasting peace in western Sudan.
When you sign up, you will join 34,817 others who are symbolically representing an individual victim who has been killed, harmed or displaced in Darfur. Won’t you join us in supporting a comprehensive plan for peace in Darfur? (...).
Link,http://www.humanrightsfirst.org/international_justice/darfur/voices/index.aspx?source=flash, consultado a 25 de Julho de 2007.

«Conseil» ou «Commission», les droits de l'homme en otage à l'ONU

2007-07-24T03:35:00.000+01:00

Jean-Claude Bührer, ancien correspondant du journal «Le Monde» à l'ONU, analyse le fonctionnement du nouveau Conseil et le voit surtout instrumentalisé par ses adversaires.
Auteur de «Sergio Vieira de Mello, un espoir foudroyé», Mille et une nuits, 2003 et 2004.
Paru dans Le Temps (journal Suisse) le Mardi 12 juin 2007

Va-t-on regretter la défunte Commission des droits de l'homme qui avait sombré dans le discrédit après 60 ans d'existence? Le nouveau Conseil qui lui a succédé il y a un an est loin d'avoir répondu aux attentes. A en juger par le déroulement chaotique de ses quatre premières sessions et compte tenu des obstacles encore à surmonter dans la mise en place de ses règles de fonctionnement avant l'échéance du 18 juin, c'est à se demander si le remède n'est pas pire que le mal.
Déjà le compromis adopté le 15 mars 2006 par l'Assemblée générale lors de la création du nouvel organe était en deçà du projet initial plus ambitieux de Kofi Annan, ce qui avait entraîné l'opposition des Etats-Unis qui d'ailleurs s'en tiennent toujours à l'écart. Au vu de la première donne, les dés apparaissaient d'emblée pipés: Algérie, Arabie saoudite, Azerbaïdjan, Bangladesh, Chine, Cuba, Nigeria, Pakistan, Russie et Tunisie - autant de membres du Conseil qui ne sont pas précisément des parangons de vertu dans ce domaine. Comme naguère à la Commission, marchandages et manœuvres de coulisses ont présidé à leur élection, si bien qu'un bon tiers d'entre eux sont affiliés à l'Organisation de la conférence islamique (OCI). Alors que les candidats devaient s'engager à respecter «les normes les plus élevées en matière de droits de l'homme», près de 90% des exécutions capitales en 2005 enregistrées dans le monde l'ont été dans des pays membres du nouveau Conseil, avec la Chine nettement en tête du palmarès.
Instrumentalisé dès le début par le groupe islamique (17 sièges sur 47) et d'autres pays répressifs, le Conseil n'a pas tardé à renouer avec les pires travers de feu la Commission: même indignation sélective, fixation tout aussi systématique sur Israël, obstruction récurrente sur le drame du Darfour et d'autres situations d'urgence, même travail de sape et tractations sur les procédures et mécanismes à mettre en place.
Les Etats liberticides font désormais la loi et ont obtenu ce qu'ils voulaient: ne plus être nommément montrés du doigt, à l'exception bien sûr d'Israël qui se retrouve comme naguère seul au banc des accusés. En un an, aucun autre pays n'a été mis directement en cause, ni la Chine, ni Cuba, ni la Russie, ni la Birmanie, ni le Zimbabwe, ni la Biélorussie, ni la Corée du Nord, et encore moins un quelconque régime musulman. Ainsi l'Arabie saoudite continue impunément de discriminer les femmes et de recourir aux châtiments corporels, malgré son adhésion à la Convention contre la torture. En plus de la surenchère habituelle sur le Proche-Orient et sans faire avancer d'un pouce la recherche d'une solution politique, le groupe islamique a enfourché un autre cheval de bataille, «la diffamation des religions», en faisant approuver une nouvelle résolution anti-blasphème qui ne se réfère qu'à l'islam, avec pour corollaire la limitation des droits individuels et de la liberté d'expression.
Des innovations avaient pourtant été prévues pour ne pas retomber dans les dérives du passé, comme l'examen périodique universel - un mécanisme de contrôle de tous les Etats en matière de respect des droits de l'homme. Mais c'en était trop pour les pays peu soucieux de ces droits, qui se sont empressés de mettre des bâtons dans les roues à leur convenance. Ils sont même allés plus loin en cherchant à amoindrir le statut des ONG et à supprimer les mandats des enquêteurs par pays, tout en renforçant le contrôle sur les procédures thématiques. En fait, sous l'emprise d'une majorité automatique, le nouveau Conseil est en train de vider de leur substance les principes qu'il est supposé promouvoir et défendre. Sans crier gare, on assiste à une tentative sournoise de démantèlement du système onusien des droits de l'homme patiemment mis en place au lendemain de la Seconde Guerre mondiale. Les victimes pourront toujours attendre.
Sergio Vieira de Mello, le haut-commissaire décédé lors de l'attentat contre le siège de l'ONU à Bagdad en 2003, était conscient des carences de la Commission mais aussi des risques d'une réforme précipitée. Pour lui, le problème était moins dans la Commission que dans l'absence de volonté politique de mettre en œuvre le cadre normatif impressionnant élaboré depuis sa création. «Mettre le doigt dans l'engrenage de la réforme, c'est faire le jeu de ceux qui veulent casser le système, disait-il. La Commission va mal, elle a besoin d'une thérapie, mais prudence pour ce qui est d'une réforme radicale et hâtive.» Les faits semblent lui donner raison. Comme si ses assassins avaient visé justement le symbole des droits de l'homme qu'il personnifiait.
Jean-Claude Bührer
Link,http://www.prochoix.org/cgi/blog/index.php/2007/06/14/1640-conseil-ou-commission-les-droits-de-l-homme-en-otage-a-l-onu, consultado a 24 de julho de 2007

United Nations Foundation

2007-07-12T15:17:00.000+01:00

(...)The UN Foundation makes it easy to engage in the work of the UN. As a platform for partnering with the UN, we help corporations, foundations, governments, and individuals make a difference in the important work the UN does across a broad range of issues. Our role in these partnerships varies—from catalyst to convener, advocate to grantmaker, fiduciary to fundraising ally—but in each case, we are able to achieve an outcome that is greater than what any single actor would have accomplished working alone. These efforts are conducted in close coordination with the United Nations Fund for International Partnerships (UNFIP), our strategic counterpoint within the UN system.(...).
Multimedia: UN Foundation Television
Peace, Security & Human Rights
The UN Foundation's Peace, Security and Human Rights program promotes preventive engagement in three areas–security, well-being and justice–in an integrated effort to alleviate the root causes of conflict while seeking to avoid crises by promoting the peaceful management of the massive changes that are confronting every nation in the international system.The UN Foundation formalized its commitment to the causes of peace and human rights by launching the Program on Peace, Security and Human Rights in 1998, emphasizing conflict prevention and the promotion of human rights. While previous work in this field supported a variety of humanitarian causes, the UN Foundation tightened its focus to advance specific initiatives of the Secretary-General and the UN system that emphasize preventive action. The UN Foundation focuses its Peace, Security & Human Rights grantmaking on the following priority areas:•Conflict Prevention.•Human Rights.•Peace Building.
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Link,http://www.unfoundation.org/programs/campaigns.asp, consultado a 12 de Julho de2007.

Centro das Nações Unidas no Brasil

2007-07-11T23:43:00.000+01:00

Páginas em Português
Link,http://www.un.org/spanish/Depts/dpi/portugues/index.htm, 11 de Julho de 2007.

ORGANIZAÇÕES INTERNACIONAIS EM QUE PORTUGAL PARTICIPA

2007-07-11T23:05:00.000+01:00

Apenas se incluem as Organizações Internacionais Intergovernamentais (OI) em que Portugal participa como membro ou com o estatuto de observador ou equivalente. (...).
Link,http://www.fd.uc.pt/CI/CEE/OI/org_int_notas.htm, consultado a 11 de Julho de 2007.